Reassessing the Effect of Older Sisters on Sexual Orientation in Men.

This research reanalyzed questionnaire data from 8279 homosexual and 79,519 heterosexual men who participated in 2005 in an internet-based research project sponsored by the British Broadcasting Corporation. It focused on parameters of sibship composition (older brothers, older sisters, younger siblings) previously shown or hypothesized to influence sexual orientation in males. The results included the usual finding that older brothers increase the odds of homosexuality in later-born males. As predicted, older sisters also increase those odds, although by a lesser amount than older brothers. Other results confirmed that the odds of homosexuality are increased in only-children, the amount of increase being equal to that produced by one older brother and greater than that produced by one older sister. Finally, the results indicated that younger siblings have no effect on the odds of homosexuality in males. These results might be explained by the hypothesis that two different types of immune responses in pregnant women can affect the future sexual orientation of their male fetuses. One type of response affects fetuses in first pregnancies and reduces subsequent fertility. The other type affects fetuses in later pregnancies and has little or no effect on fertility. Finally, we conducted an estimate of combined sibship effects. Men who were exposed to any of the influences that we identified (being an only-child or having an older sibling) had 27% greater odds of homosexuality than did subjects who were exposed to none of these influences (i.e., the first-born of two or more children).

Interest, Personality, and Sexual Traits That Distinguish Heterosexual, Bisexual, and Homosexual Individuals: Are There Two Dimensions That Underlie Variations in Sexual Orientation?

A diverse U.S. sample comprising 1437 men and 1474 women was assessed on sexual orientation, masculinity-femininity of occupational preferences (MF-Occ), self-ascribed masculinity-femininity (Self-MF), Big Five personality traits, sex drive, and sociosexuality (positive attitudes toward uncommitted sex). Discriminant analyses explored which traits best distinguished self-identified heterosexual, bisexual, and homosexual individuals within each sex. These analyses correctly classified the sexual orientation of 55% of men and 60% of women, which was substantially better than a chance rate (33%) of assigning participants to one of three groups. For men, MF-Occ and Self-MF distinguished heterosexual, bisexual, and gay men, with heterosexual men most gender typical, gay men most gender atypical, and bisexual men intermediate. Independently, higher sex drive, sociosexuality, and neuroticism and lower conscientiousness distinguished bisexual men from other groups. For women, gender-related interests and Self-MF distinguished lesbians from other groups, with lesbians most gender atypical. Independently, higher sociosexuality, sex drive, and Self-MF distinguished non-heterosexual from heterosexual women. These findings suggest that variations in self-reported sexual orientation may be conceptualized in terms of two broad underlying individual difference dimensions, which differ somewhat for men and women: one linked to gender typicality versus gender atypicality and the other linked to sex drive, sociosexuality, and various personality traits.

Prevalence of Sexual Orientation Across 28 Nations and Its Association with Gender Equality, Economic Development, and Individualism.

The prevalence of women's and men's heterosexuality, bisexuality, and homosexuality was assessed in 28 nations using data from 191,088 participants from a 2005 BBC Internet survey. Sexual orientation was measured in terms of both self-reported sexual identity and self-reported degree of same-sex attraction. Multilevel modeling analyses revealed that nations' degrees of gender equality, economic development, and individualism were not significantly associated with men's or women's sexual orientation rates across nations. These models controlled for individual-level covariates including age and education level, and nation-level covariates including religion and national sex ratios. Robustness checks included inspecting the confidence intervals for meaningful associations, and further analyses using complete-cases and summary scores of the national indices. These analyses produced the same non-significant results. The relatively stable rates of heterosexuality, bisexuality, and homosexuality observed across nations for both women and men suggest that non-social factors likely may underlie much variation in human sexual orientation. These results do not support frequently offered hypotheses that sexual orientation differences are related to gendered social norms across societies.

Category Specificity of Self-Reported Sexual Attraction and Viewing Times to Male and Female Models in a Large U.S. Sample: Sex, Sexual Orientation, and Demographic Effects.

Recent research has documented large and robust sex differences in the category specificity of self-reported sexual attraction and viewing times to men and women, with men showing more polarized responses to the two sexes than women. However, this research has been limited by the use of small and restricted samples. To address this, the current study assessed a representative sample of more than 2800 U.S. adults on demographic and attitudinal variables and on two measures of category specificity: one based on self-reported sexual attraction and the other based on viewing times to male and female swimsuit models. Key findings were replicated. On average, men were considerably more category specific in self-reported sexual attraction and viewing times than women, and this was true for both heterosexual and homosexual participants. Self-identified bisexual and asexual participants tended to be lower on category specificity than other groups. Although demographic and attitudinal factors such as age, ethnicity, state and region of residence, social class, political liberalism-conservatism, and religiousness were sometimes weakly related to category specificity, sex differences in category specificity remained robust despite demographic and attitudinal variation.

Women's representation in 60 occupations from 1972 to 2010: more women in high-status jobs, few women in things-oriented jobs.

To explore factors associated with occupational sex segregation in the United States over the past four decades, we analyzed U.S. Bureau of Labor Statistics data for the percent of women employed in 60 varied occupations from 1972 to 2010. Occupations were assessed on status, people-things orientation, and data-ideas orientation. Multilevel linear modeling (MLM) analyses showed that women increasingly entered high-status occupations from 1972 to 2010, but women's participation in things-oriented occupations (e.g., STEM fields and mechanical and construction trades) remained low and relatively stable. Occupations' data-ideas orientation was not consistently related to sex segregation. Because of women's increased participation in high-status occupations, occupational status became an increasingly weak predictor of women's participation rates in occupations, whereas occupations' people-things orientation became an increasingly strong predictor over time. These findings are discussed in relation to theories of occupational sex segregation and social policies to reduce occupational sex segregation.

Men and women with bisexual identities show bisexual patterns of sexual attraction to male and female "swimsuit models".

Do self-identified bisexual men and women actually show bisexual patterns of sexual attraction and interest? To answer this question, I studied bisexual men's and women's sexual attraction to photographed male and female "swimsuit models" that varied in attractiveness. Participants (663 college students and gay pride attendees, including 14 self-identified bisexual men and 17 self-identified bisexual women) rated their degree of sexual attraction to 34 male and 34 female swimsuit models. Participants' viewing times to models were unobtrusively assessed. Results showed that bisexual men and women showed bisexual patterns of attraction and viewing times to photo models, which strongly distinguished them from same-sex heterosexual and homosexual participants. In contrast to other groups, which showed evidence of greater male than female category specificity, bisexual men and women did not differ in category specificity. Results suggest that there are subsets of men and women who display truly bisexual patterns of sexual attraction and interest.

Effects of sex and sexual orientation on self-reported attraction and viewing times to images of men and women: testing for category specificity.

In a paradigm that asked participants to rate the sexual attractiveness of male and female swimsuit models, Lippa, Patterson, and Marelich (2010) showed that heterosexual men's category specificity exceeded heterosexual women's in two ways: (1) Heterosexual men showed much larger differences in their attraction and viewing times to male versus female photo models than heterosexual women, and (2) heterosexual men's attractions to female but not male models increased with model attractiveness whereas heterosexual women's attractions to both sexes increased with model attractiveness. The current study used the same paradigm to study category specificity in homosexual and heterosexual participants. In addition to replicating previous findings for heterosexual men and women, the results showed that homosexual men were high on category specificity, like heterosexual men, whereas lesbians showed lower levels of category specificity than men, but sometimes higher levels than heterosexual women.

Sex and sexual orientation differences in personality in China.

Using data from an Internet survey, we assessed masculinity-femininity (self-ascribed masculinity-femininity [Self-MF], gender-related interests, instrumentality, expressiveness) and Big Five personality traits in a Chinese sample of 201 heterosexual men, 220 homosexual men, 353 heterosexual women, and 215 homosexual women. Sex differences and sexual orientation differences were largest for gender-related interests and Self-MF. Homosexual-heterosexual differences in emotional stability were opposite for men and women, supporting the "gender shift" over the "social stress" hypothesis. Sex and sexual orientation differences in gender-related interests, Self-MF, and emotional stability observed in China were consistent with those found in other countries, suggesting possible biological influences. In contrast, group differences in other traits were more variable, suggesting possible cultural influences.

Sex differences in mental rotation and line angle judgments are positively associated with gender equality and economic development across 53 nations.

Mental rotation and line angle judgment performance were assessed in more than 90,000 women and 111,000 men from 53 nations. In all nations, men's mean performance exceeded women's on these two visuospatial tasks. Gender equality (as assessed by United Nations indices) and economic development (as assessed by per capita income and life expectancy) were significantly associated, across nations, with larger sex differences, contrary to the predictions of social role theory. For both men and women, across nations, gender equality and economic development were significantly associated with better performance on the two visuospatial tasks. However, these associations were stronger for the mental rotation task than for the line angle judgment task, and they were stronger for men than for women. Results were discussed in terms of evolutionary, social role, and stereotype threat theories of sex differences.

Sex differences in personality traits and gender-related occupational preferences across 53 nations: testing evolutionary and social-environmental theories.

Using data from over 200,000 participants from 53 nations, I examined the cross-cultural consistency of sex differences for four traits: extraversion, agreeableness, neuroticism, and male-versus-female-typical occupational preferences. Across nations, men and women differed significantly on all four traits (mean ds = -.15, -.56, -.41, and 1.40, respectively, with negative values indicating women scoring higher). The strongest evidence for sex differences in SDs was for extraversion (women more variable) and for agreeableness (men more variable). United Nations indices of gender equality and economic development were associated with larger sex differences in agreeableness, but not with sex differences in other traits. Gender equality and economic development were negatively associated with mean national levels of neuroticism, suggesting that economic stress was associated with higher neuroticism. Regression analyses explored the power of sex, gender equality, and their interaction to predict men's and women's 106 national trait means for each of the four traits. Only sex predicted means for all four traits, and sex predicted trait means much more strongly than did gender equality or the interaction between sex and gender equality. These results suggest that biological factors may contribute to sex differences in personality and that culture plays a negligible to small role in moderating sex differences in personality.

Sex differences in sex drive, sociosexuality, and height across 53 nations: testing evolutionary and social structural theories.

By analyzing cross-cultural patterns in five parameters--sex differences, male and female trait means, male and female trait standard deviations--researchers can better test evolutionary and social structural models of sex differences. Five models of biological and social structural influence are presented that illustrate this proposal. Using data from 53 nations and from over 200,000 participants surveyed in a recent BBC Internet survey, I examined cross-cultural patterns in these five parameters for two sexual traits--sex drive and sociosexuality--and for height, a physical trait with a biologically based sex difference. Sex drive, sociosexuality, and height all showed consistent sex differences across nations (mean ds = .62, .74, and 1.63). Women were consistently more variable than men in sex drive (mean female to male variance ratio = 1.64). Gender equality and economic development tended to predict, across nations, sex differences in sociosexuality, but not sex differences in sex drive or height. Parameters for sociosexuality tended to vary across nations more than parameters for sex drive and height did. The results for sociosexuality were most consistent with a hybrid model--that both biological and social structural influences contribute to sex differences, whereas the results for sex drive and height were most consistent with a biological model--that evolved biological factors are the primary cause of sex differences. The model testing proposed here encourages evolutionary and social structural theorists to make more precise and nuanced predictions about the patterning of sex differences across cultures.

Sex differences and sexual orientation differences in personality: findings from the BBC Internet survey.

Analyzing a large international data set generated by a BBC Internet survey, I examined sex differences and sexual orientation differences in six personality traits: extraversion, agreeableness, neuroticism, disagreeable assertiveness, masculine versus feminine occupational preferences (MF-Occ), and self-ascribed masculinity-femininity (Self-MF). Consistent with previous research, sex differences and sexual orientation differences were largest for MF-Occ and for Self-MF. In general, heterosexual-homosexual differences mirrored sex differences in personality, with gay men shifted in female-typical and lesbians in male-typical directions. Bisexual men scored intermediate between heterosexual and gay men on MF-Occ; however, they were slightly more feminine than gay men on Self-MF. Bisexual women scored intermediate between heterosexual women and lesbians on both MF-Occ and Self-MF. Sex differences and sexual orientation differences in MF-Occ, Self-MF, and other personality traits were consistent across five nations/world regions (the UK, USA, Canada, Australia/New Zealand, and Western Europe), thereby suggesting a biological component to these differences.

The sex ratio of older siblings in non-right-handed homosexual men.

This study tested the prediction, based on prior research, that non-right-handed homosexual men will report fewer than expected older brothers. Participants were 2486 heterosexual and homosexual, right-handed and non-right-handed, male and female adults, representing five samples collected for various projects by the second author. Data on sibship composition, sexual orientation, and hand-preference were gathered in the original research using on-line (Internet) or self-administered paper-and-pencil questionnaires. The non-right-handed homosexual men reported 83 older brothers per 100 older sisters, which was significantly lower than the human sex ratio of 106 live-born males per 100 live-born females. In contrast, the right-handed homosexual men reported 125 older brothers per 100 older sisters, which was significantly higher than the expected ratio. One possible explanation of these results is that older brothers increase the odds of homosexuality in right-handed males but decrease the odds of homosexuality in non-right-handed males. A second possibility is that older brothers decrease the probability that non-right-handed homosexual males will be represented in survey research. The latter scenario could arise if the combination of some biological factor associated with older brothers and some biological factor associated with non-right-handedness is so toxic that it kills the fetus or predisposes the individual to a condition (e.g., mental retardation, major mental illness) that makes him less likely to be available for research recruitment at Gay Pride parades (etc.) than other members of the gay community.

Birth order, sibling sex ratio, handedness, and sexual orientation of male and female participants in a BBC internet research project.

This study investigated the relations among sexual orientation, fraternal birth order (number of older brothers), and hand-preference. The participants were 87,798 men and 71,981 women who took part in a Web-based research project sponsored by the British Broadcasting Corporation (BBC). The results yielded some evidence confirming prior findings that non-right-handedness is associated with homosexuality in men and women, that older brothers increase the odds of homosexuality in men, and that the effect of older brothers on sexual orientation is limited to right-handed men. The evidence was weaker than in previous studies, however, probably because the usual relations among the variables of interest were partially obscured by the effects of other factors. Thus, the homosexual men and women had higher rates of non-right-handedness than their heterosexual counterparts, but the strongest handedness finding for both sexes was a marked tendency for participants who described themselves as ambidextrous also to describe themselves as bisexual. The birth order data were strongly affected by a tendency for the male participants to report an excess of older sisters, and the female participants to report an excess of older brothers. Statistical analyses confirmed that this was an artifact of the parental stopping rule, "Continue having children until you have offspring of both sexes." In subsequent analyses, participants were divided into those who did and did not have younger siblings, on the grounds that the data of the former would be less contaminated by the stopping rule. In the former subsample, the right-handed homo/bisexual males showed the typical high ratio of older brothers to older sisters, whereas the non-right-handed homo/bisexual males did not.

The preferred traits of mates in a cross-national study of heterosexual and homosexual men and women: an examination of biological and cultural influences.

BBC Internet survey participants (119,733 men and 98,462 women) chose from a list of 23 traits those they considered first, second, and third most important in a relationship partner. Across all participants, the traits ranked most important were: intelligence, humor, honesty, kindness, overall good looks, face attractiveness, values, communication skills, and dependability. On average, men ranked good looks and facial attractiveness more important than women did (d = 0.55 and 0.36, respectively), whereas women ranked honesty, humor, kindness, and dependability more important than men did (ds = 0.23, 0.22, 0.18, and 0.15). Sexual orientation differences were smaller than sex differences in trait rankings, but some were meaningful; for example, heterosexual more than homosexual participants assigned importance to religion, fondness for children, and parenting abilities. Multidimensional scaling analyses showed that trait preference profiles clustered by participant sex, not by sexual orientation, and by sex more than by nationality. Sex-by-nation ANOVAs of individuals' trait rankings showed that sex differences in rankings of attractiveness, but not of character traits, were extremely consistent across 53 nations and that nation main effects and sex-by-nation interactions were stronger for character traits than for physical attractiveness. United Nations indices of gender equality correlated, across nations, with men's and women's rankings of character traits but not with their rankings of physical attractiveness. These results suggest that cultural factors had a relatively greater impact on men's and women's rankings of character traits, whereas biological factors had a relatively greater impact on men's and women's rankings of physical attractiveness.

The relation between sex drive and sexual attraction to men and women: a cross-national study of heterosexual, bisexual, and homosexual men and women.

Recent research suggests that, for most women, high sex drive is associated with increased sexual attraction to both women and men. For men, however, high sex drive is associated with increased attraction to one sex or the other, but not to both, depending on men's sexual orientation (Lippa, R. A., 2006, Psychological Science, 17, 46-52). These findings were replicated in a very large BBC data set and were found to hold true in different nations, world regions, and age groups. Consistent with previous research, lesbians differed from other women in showing the male-typical pattern, that high sex drive is associated with attraction to one sex but not the other. Bisexual women and men were more similar to same-sex heterosexuals than to same-sex homosexuals in their pattern of results. The correlation between same-sex and other-sex attraction was consistently negative for men, was near zero for heterosexual and bisexual women, and negative for lesbians. Thus, same-sex and other-sex attractions were, in general, more bipolar and mutually exclusive for men than for women. The current findings add to evidence that sexual orientation is organized differently in women and men and suggest a biological component to this difference.

Is high sex drive associated with increased sexual attraction to both sexes? It depends on whether you are male or female.

If sex drive is a generalized energizer of sexual behaviors, then high sex drive should increase an individual's sexual attraction to both men and women. If sex drive energizes only dominant sexual responses, however, then high sex drive should selectively increase attraction to men or to women, but not to both, depending on the individual's sexual orientation. Data from three studies assessing a total of 3,645 participants show that for most women, high sex drive is associated with increased sexual attraction to both men and women. For men, however, high sex drive is associated with increased sexual attraction to only one sex or the other, depending on the individual's sexual orientation. These results suggest that the correlates of sex drive and the organization of sexual orientation are different for women and men.