Family Sex Trafficking Among the Bedia Caste of India: Defying the Dominant Human Trafficking Discourse.

Largely characterized as an urban issue, empirical studies of minor sex trafficking in rural communities-including India, a global hotspot for child sex trafficking-are exceptionally uncommon. Yet, the commercial sexual exploitation of children thrives in many rural Indian villages, fueled by caste discrimination, family tradition, and poverty. In response, this study aimed to investigate minor sex trafficking among a particular culturally unique and geographically isolated population, in relation to the dominant human trafficking literature. In-depth interviews were conducted with 31 female members of the Bedia caste-a unique population whose primary form of income is derived from participation in the rural sex trade. Framed by the social theory of intersectionality, we sought to (1) identify vulnerabilities for commercial sex industry entry among Bedia youth and (2) examine the cultural context of the commercial sex industry among the Bedia, with particular attention to the dominant victim/perpetrator paradigms. Implications for continued research, practice, and policy are included.

A life-course perspective of sex trafficking among the bedia caste of India.

Thousands of Indian women and girls enter the commercial sex industry (CSI) annually based solely on membership in particular castes (e.g., Bedia, Nat). CSI-involved females bear the burden of sustaining entire family units on money earned in the sex trade; it is a life-long responsibility with negligible social status or personal indemnity. Based on the life-course developmental theory (Elder, Jr. 1994, 1998) this investigation was intended to examine trafficked women's experiences within the commercial sex industry across time. Beyond the CSI, we were equally interested in experiences with factors that could promote well-being (i.e., social support) and normative developmental transitions including education attainment and motherhood. To that end, three questions were posed. First, to what extent do factors surrounding CSI entry and continued involvement differ through time among CSI-involved Bedia? Second, how do CSI-involved Bedia describe social network composition and perceived support through time? Finally, are differences detectable, through time, in CSI-involved Bedia women's experiences with normative developmental transitions including education attainment and motherhood? Interview data were collected from 31 Bedia females (age range 17 - 65 years) residing in rural Madhya Pradesh, India. To examine change through time, participants were divided into cohorts based on age and time involved in the commercial sex industry. Data were then analyzed within and across cohorts with particular attention to cohort-related experiential differences. Policy implications and suggestions for continued research are presented.

Structural Vulnerabilities, Personal Agency, and Caste: An Exploration of Child Sex Trafficking in Rural India.

The commercial sexual exploitation of children (CSEC) is considered normative and expected among some Indian castes. Focusing on the Bedia specifically, we sought to identify factors responsible for the intergenerational continuation of CSEC as well as opportunities for prevention. To this end, three questions were posed, including: (a) What structural factors perpetuate CSEC among the Bedia? (b) What are the mechanisms by which Bedia children enter the commercial sex industry (CSI)? and (c) To what extent do Bedia women have personal agency in exiting the CSI and in keeping their children from entering? Guided by structural vulnerability theory and a phenomenological approach, in-depth interviews were conducted with 31 Bedia women engaged in (or exited from) the CSI. Results indicate that girls as young as 12 are "selected" to enter the CSI; once involved, they carry the burden of familial financial sustainability and exit only comes when they are no longer able to attract paying clients and younger female kin able to assume the primary breadwinner role. Ability to keep female children from entry is minimal. Implications for future research, practice, and policy are discussed.