A qualitative exploration of positive body image experiences among nonbinary individuals.

One group whose positive body image experiences remain under-explored is individuals who identify as nonbinary, gender fluid, and/or genderqueer (including other nonbinary identities). Thus, we sought to answer the questions: What does it look like to have a positive body image for a nonbinary person? and How do nonbinary persons form and maintain a positive body image? To answer these questions, we conducted in-depth, semi-structured interviews with 15 nonbinary individuals who were assessed as having positive body image using the Body Appreciation Scale-2 (Tylka & Wood-Barcalow, 2015a). Data were analyzed using reflexive thematic analysis. Four themes were identified as characterizing the core features of positive body image among nonbinary persons: body appreciation, body- and self-acceptance, bodily appearance embodied their authentic self, and holding flexible ideals for ways of being. Six themes were identified as related to on-going processes that explain how body image is formed and maintained among nonbinary persons: reframing negative body image information, staging resistance, experiencing representation, receiving and giving social support, practicing self-compassion and self-care, and using dress to create a satisfying presentation of self. In keeping with the tenets of queer theory, findings reflected how gender identity set a context for participants' positive body image experiences.

Socializing girls whose bodies may not align with contemporary ideals of thinness: An interpretive study of US mothers' accounts.

We sought to understand how mothers of young adolescent girls who are perceived as overweight or at risk for becoming so and whose body mass indices are at the 70th percentile or higher socialize their daughters about body, weight, eating, and health. In-depth interviews were conducted with 13 US mothers, and data were analyzed using constant comparison processes. Findings revealed that mothers adopted a variety of strategies - including teaching, modeling, managing, avoiding, and comforting - to achieve varied socialization goals for their daughters. Specifically, mothers sought to help their daughters to accept the self, reject the hegemonic ideal, maintain "healthful" eating, avoid overeating/monitor the self for over-eating, engage in regular physical activity, and/or navigate stigmatizing social situations. Mothers' sometimes experienced ambivalence or uncertainty as they socialized their daughters about the body, suggesting that they may benefit from professional counseling designed to resolve this tension/hesitancy.

Social Support for Women Who Have Undergone Bariatric Surgery.

We explored the role that social support plays in the lives of women who have undergone bariatric surgery. We conducted in-depth interviews with 13 women who had had bariatric surgery (M age = 53.0 years) and analyzed the data using constant comparison processes. We found that individuals in participants' lives offered support by acting as role models and providing information, offering empathy and expressions of concern and caring, assisting with everyday responsibilities, and serving as companions. In turn, these forms of support guided participants' behavior, calmed their concerns, enhanced their self-esteem, relieved them of daily responsibilities, and offered them companionship in their bariatric journeys. Consistent with the existing theory, differently situated individuals specialized in offering particular types of support. Although participants appreciated the support received, many indicated a desire for more or "better" support, pointing to a need for resources guiding supporters in how to best offer support to bariatric patients.

Watching over baby: expectant parenthood and the duty to be well.

In contemporary Western society, individuals are encouraged to adopt a "duty to be well ideology" by assuming personal responsibility for health through engagement in self-care practices. We explored the duty to be well within the contexts of pregnancy, first-time parenthood, and marriage. Analyses were informed by Foucault's work on surveillance. In-depth interviews were conducted during the 7th or 8th month of pregnancy with 14 married couples expecting their first child. The sample was recruited from two U.S. university towns. Participants conceptualized the duty to be well as the expectant mother's unyielding bodily obligation to her unborn child and the notion that she should engage in bodily routines to shape fetal development. Both wives and husbands participated in the duty to be well, which included three dimensions: the need to feed, the need to take physical care/stay out of harm's way, and the need to thwart maternal anxiety. However, findings indicated that efforts to safeguard unborn children were sometimes a slippery slope, representing an uneven path and/or inciting ambivalence. Further, participants experienced surveillance associated with the duty to be well as both caring and controlling, depending upon the context of the surveillance and the perceived meaning of the monitoring.