[The effects of international migration on the receiving countries, the countries of origin, and immigrants]. / Les effets des migrations internationales sur les pays d'accueil, les pays d'origine et les immigrants.

"This article points out that the societies who lack labour force and those who have a surplus, share common interests which may lead to organised or spontaneous migratory flows. Today, emigration is incapable of correcting the weaknesses of the socioeconomic structures of the host societies or of being a means of developing the societies of origin. The latter have in reality only benefited from 'passive' gains. In the future, countries providing labour force must endeavour to improve their understanding of the advantages of emigration for their development and take initiatives in order to improve the integration of population transfers in their economic and social development." (SUMMARY IN ENG)

The U.S. legalization program: a preliminary final report.

PIP: The Immigration Reform and Control Act (IRCA) of 1986 made 4 types of aliens eligible to receive legalization benefits: 1) those who resided "continuously" in the US since January 1, 1982; 2) those who had worked in the US perishable-crop agriculture for 90 "man-days" in specified time periods (Special Agricultural Workers [SAWS]); 3) those who were in the US since before January 1, 1972; and 4) those classified as Cuban/Haitian entrants and who had been in the US since January 1, 1982. Estimates of the number of aliens eligible for legalization, not including SAWS, ranges from 1.834 million to 2.56 million. Estimates of undercounts of undocumented aliens are 10% for those who entered before 1975 and 37.5% for those who arrived after 1975. Other refinements in the estimates of undocumented aliens include adjustments for 1) ethnic group and location, 2) the growth of the undocumented population between the census date and the legalization eligibility date under IRCA, and 3) emigration and deportation rates. Out of the 1,581,800 applicants entered into the Immigration and Naturalization Service (INS) computers (from a total of 2.15 million applicants) as of May 20, 1988, 73.7% were Mexican nationals. Only 5 other countries contributed more than 1%: El Salvador (6.5%), Haiti (2.3%), Guatemala (2.2%), the Philippines (1%), and Colombia (1%). The Mexican percentage was unexpectedly high, perhaps because the legalization had been much more successful in the Southwest than anywhere else in the country. Reasons that Mexicans have a higher legalization participation rate than other nationalities include 1) the distant eligibility date; 2) ethnic differences among non-Mexican nationalities; 3) particularly in the northeast, fears of exposing one's illegal status to INS; 4) the difficulty of information reaching ethnic communities, 5) the reluctance of those already undergoing the naturalization process to risk the legalization process; and 6) the reluctance of employees to admit employment of undocumented aliens. In the end, more than 90% of applicants are expected to be granted temporary resident alien status (and about 70% of agricultural workers), for a total of more than 2 million people. Researchers estimate that 2.5 - 3 million more persons remain in an undocumented status in the US.^ieng

Undocumented immigration in the United States: some thoughts about research challenges, impacts and recent policy initiatives.

PIP: The author concludes that the US legalization program is not accomplishing as much of its goals as intended by the Immigration Reform and Control Act of 1986. This can be attributed to restrictive Immigration and Naturalization Service (INS) implementation regulations; the decentralized management structure of the INS, which allows local district directors considerable latitude in interpreting the legalization regulation; the different perceptions of the INS by different ethnic communities; the different levels of preparedness and cooperation by service providers which assist immigrants; and the different modes of entry and different levels of social incorporation of different ethnic groups in various parts of the country. Without a well-funded and effective immigrant data management system, the controversy surrounding numbers of immigrants will continue well beyond the end of the legalization program. INS' decision not to data-enter key variables from the legalization applications and INS' apparent failure to tap its own data resources are 2 problems contributing to the confusion. When all questions for the legalization applications are keypunched and become available, and the statutorily required survey research on a large statistically valid sample of the legalized is completed, the research community can hope to have more reliable information about the undocumented population.^ieng

The Immigration Reform and Control Act of 1986: America amends its immigration law.

PIP: This disucssion of the Immigration and Control act of 1986 covers legalization, employer sanctions, and foreign agricultural worker reforms. It also identifies other changes in immigration law. The Immigration Reform and Control Act of 1986 recognizes 4 types of aliens who are eligible to receive legalization benefits: those who have resided "continuously" in the US since January 1, 1982; those who have worked in US perishable crop agriculture for 90 "man-days" each year ending on May 1, 1984, May 1, 1985 and May 1, 1986 (special agricultural workers) or who have performed such labor for 90 man-days between only May 1, 1985 and May 1, 1986; those who have been in the US since before January 1, 1972; and those classified as "Cuban-Haitian entrants" and who have been in the US since January 1, 1982. Each legalization category has specific eligibility requirements, its own application procedures, and its own process for obtaining legal permanent resident status. The IRCA forbids employers from knowingly employing unauthorized aliens. For the 1st time in US immigration history, an employer would be punished for employing aliens without work authorization. An employer would be able to establish an "affirmative defense" in his or her behalf if the employer examined certain documents which appear to be genuine or the applicant was referred to him by a State employment agency which previously has verified the applicant's employment eligibility. If the employer is found to have violated the provisions, a cease and desist order will be issued with a civil penalty of between $250-2000 for each unauthorized alien for the 1st time the violation occurs, between $2000-5000 for each alien for the 2nd violation, and between $3000-10,000 for each alien for subsequent violations. The Act provides for criminal penalties for employers who engage in a "pattern or practice of violations." Employer sanctions will not be effective for 18 months following passage of the Act. The changes which the IRCA introduced in terms of foreign agricultural workers fall into 2 broad categories: a formula for recruiting foreign agricultural workers for permanent residence in the US beginning with 1990 (replenishment workers); and changes in the existing system of temporary foreign workers for agricultural work. Among other things, the Act also increases colonial quotas to 5000 from 600, offers special immigrant status to certain officers and employers of international organizations and their immediate family members; and offers nonimmigrant status for parents and children of aliens given spcial immigrant status.^ieng

Illusions and reality in international migration: migration and development in post World War II Greece.

The author analyzes international migration using a case study of Greece, with a focus on the relationship between migration and development in the sending countries. He supports a view of international migration "as a central component of the international political economy--one whose investigation requires a sensitivity to, and intimacy with, the forces operative in the structure and process of the world economy." The role of Greek emigration in the areas of relief and unemployment, capital transfers or remittances, and the social realm is considered. (summary in FRE, SPA)

A preliminary profile of unapprehended undocumented aliens in northern New Jersey: a research note.

PIP: This article sheds light on a number of questions regarding the sociodemographic structure, economic behavior, and the process of economic insertion of unapprehended undocumented aliens in the Northern New Jersey area. The data, taken from questionnaires of the clientele of the Migration Offices of the Catholic Community Services of the Archdiocese of Newark, allows an in-depth look at the goals and motivations of the family unit and the individual while permitting a glimpse of the structural causes and consequences of international migration. Respondents hold basically secondary labor market service and light industry jobs in which they work diligently without being a burden to the community. Their diligence and effort are rewarded by a respectable showing in household income figures. They also have high participation rates both in paying income taxes and filing income tax returns. Although much of the new undocumented immigration is of relatively recent origin, the respondents plan on a long-term stay. The educational and demographic profiles indicate respondents bring with them substantial amounts of human capital which is a necessary 1st step in assessing whether their overall net contribution to the US is positive or negative.^ieng

Dilemmas in international migration: a global perspective.

PIP: This paper addresses the migration situation and the increasingly passionate public debate that is a result of the presence of aliens in a state's territory. Foreign workers provide the labor necessary to maintain an industrial climate during times of critical labor scarcities. Due to this condition of selected labor shortages, labor importers become increasingly dependent on a constant supply of foreign labor, while the labor supply becomes more independent of the host's actual labor needs. The reality of permanence, especially with second generation migrants, creates social and cultural dilemmas--migrants become more assertive of their economic rights, and natives react negatively to the economic competition. International migration is a process structurally central both to the sending and to the receiving societies. The process has accomplished at least one important goal: it has significantly improved the economy of many families whose members have emigrated. What is needed is better attention to timing, structure, and the consequences of migration in the context of a class analysis that addresses the phenomenon of labor migration in terms of class struggle by migrants, capital, and domestic labor. Home community remains a primary reference point and a principal determinant of behavior for the emigrant. Societies are still quite inept, not only at predicting migration flows and their impacts on receiving societies, but also in understanding the linkages between emigration, return, and the development of the countries of worker origin.^ieng

Immigration reform, American style.

PIP: This article reviews the background of the proposed Immigration and Reform Act (also known as the Simpson-Mazzoli bill), which seeks to overhaul US immigration law for the first time since 1952. This bill is consistent with President Reagan's hard line on border enforcement and mandates stiff penalties for those who transport illegal aliens for commercial advantage or private profit. It further offers Mexico preferential treatment in immigration (40,000 additional visas/year). It includes an amnesty program to offer legal status to qualified illegal residents. The bill directs the President to develop a secure national worker identification system and would create a large-scale temporary foreign agricultural program for perishable commodities. Agricultural workers' families would not be eligible to accompany them unless they also obtain temporary visas. Foreign temporary workers, employable only in cases where local domestic workers are not available, must be provided with wages and working conditions equal to those prevailing among domestic workers. Stiff penalties are stipulated for employers who fail to abide with the terms of the program. In the author's opinion, this bill fails to appreciate the global character of international migration and its complexity. It relects a fundamental ambivalence about a strictly controlled main gate versus a back door approach to immigration as well as the conflicting images of the US as a nation of immigrants versus the historical reality of American nativism and xenophobia. Needed are comprehensive initiatives whose mutually reinforcing components can address the multiple dimensions of the immigration problem within a framework that does not ignore workers who have contributed to the economic well-being of the US, regardless of their legal status.^ieng

U.S. immigration policy: the guestworker option revisited.

PIP: In guestworker programs foreign nationals are admitted into another country on a nonmigrant status with severely curtailed social and limited labor market rights. The duration of stay is always finite and compliance with the terms of the contract are entered through a network of legal arrangements which allow officials in the receiving country a substantial amount of administrative discretion. Pro-guestworker arguments say that the borders cannot be closed, that guestworkers can be substituted for illegal aliens, that guestworkers are better than illegal aliens, and that additional labor benefits the US economy. Those against guestworker programs stress longterm socioeconomic issues rather than short-term economic advantages, saying that guestworker programs are no quick answer for illegal immigration, for domestic labor shortages, or for the US poor population. Guestworker programs, its opponents say, provide short-run economic benefits to a few employers and individuals at the expense of more widespread and longterm socioeconomic costs. They oppose: 1) the concept of admitting foreign workers with restricted rights, 2) the concentration of any negative labor market impacts on already disadvantaged domestic groups, 3) the proliferation of "jobs which Americans won't take," 4) many temporary guests ending up permanent residents, and 5) that exporting workers is as likely to impede as accelerate job-creating economic development in immigration countries. Most economists believe that diminishing marginal productivity produces downward-sloping short-run demand for labor schedules. The European experience with these programs has been different than those in the US since foreign workers in Europe were initially recruited in response to actual labor shortages and have always had legal status, but both Europe and the US have experienced large contingents of workers who remain in the countries and are at a pronounced power disadvantage regarding the society's institutions. Studies of guestworker programs have shown that worker flows eventually become impervious to the receiver's actual labor needs as employers disaggregate jobs into components which match the low skills of migrants and create additional foreign worker jobs which are then shunned by native labor, thus perpetuating a need for such labor. If the US opts for a large-scale guestworker program this will only replace 1 set of problems with another and it is not at all certain that large-scale guestworker admissions will proportionately reduce illegal migration inflows.^ieng

Rethinking international migration: a review and critique.

PIP: A new style of international migration, temporary and often illegal immigration in order to work, began to emerge after World War II. Many countries initiated immigration policies that gave the appearance of control, while their back doors remained open and, possibly, unclosable. In the US, it is slowly becoming obvious that foreign workers cannot be used as a temporary labor force at will. 2 usual theories of migration are the classical and the conflicts schools. The classical school presents migration as a rational, economic act that leads to economic adjustment between sending and receiving countries. The conflict school, often Marxist, views migration as an unequal process that leads to the inclusion of developing countries into the world capitalist system and to a widenin gap between rich and poor countries. The convergence of these 2 theories leads to the idea that although migration may be a survival strategy of individuals and households, it is also determined by a country's integration in the world economic system. The author reviews several books on immigration theory, which appreciate the complexity and worldwide character of migration; indicate that migration patterns are persistent; and support the view that migration is an economic, social, and political problem; and recommend that policies must be integrated and address the entire issue.^ieng

Causal modeling in international migration research: a methodological prolegomenon.

PIP: The authors examine the value of using models to study the migration process. In particular, they demonstrate the potential utility of a partial least squares modeling approach to the causal analysis of international migration.^ieng

European labor migration: consequences for the countries of worker origin.

PIP: An attempt is made to critically reappraise the overall relationship between labor emigration and the economic, sociocultural, and political systems of the countries of worker origin along which emigration operates simultaneously as both a dependent and an independent variable. The emigration policy dilemmas facing sending countries have their roots in the international economic system's structural realities, as understood through the related paradigms of center/periphery and uneven development. The development gap between labor receivers and suppliers has under conditions of substantial and almost uninterrupted growth on the part of the receivers aggravated the advanced European industrial powers' structural labor shortages and exaggerated their need for large continents of foreign labor, thus literally premising their continuous growth on the constant supply of such labor. Yet, at the same time, the less developed countries (LDCs) in the European periphery were asked to play the role of industrial satellites to the industrial metropolis, a task which was most welcome in the developing countries' expansive mode of the late 1950s and early 1960s. This situation encouraged the creation of an atmosphere of negligence in the capitals of the sending countries which facilitated the gradual internationalization of labor. The reliance on foreign labor has failed to solve those serious structural economic deficiencies of labor receivers that it was purported to correct, and, in fact, may have aggravated them. Additionally, the automatic control mechanisms which has been relied upon to regulate the migrant inflow are proving very unreliable. Labor emigration has usually been posited as the vehicle for the effective mitigation of several acute structural economic problems of labor exporters, while the twin vehicles of remittances and return of trained workers offer the LDCs an opportunity to effect their own economic transformation. The expectation that returning emigrants will have acquired the occupational skills to effect the socioeconomic metamorphosis of their countries has been little more than a myth.^ieng