Remembering our darkest moments: Reminiscence bumps for highly negative life events.

Prior research has shown that the lifetime age distribution of adults' personal memories peaks in late adolescence and early adulthood, and that this reminiscence bump is apparent primarily for positive rather than negative events. Inspired by sociological research on the crime-age curve, four new studies tested the idea that adults' negative memories of moral transgressions and behavioral missteps also would show a reminiscence bump. A secondary goal was to determine if the ages and content of actual memories recounted by older adults aligned closely with people's expectations for memories provided by an imaginary "typical" older adult. In Study 1, college students were asked to estimate the ages at which people are most likely to have committed crimes and minor moral transgressions; estimated ages peaked sharply during adolescence and early adulthood. Participants also listed emotions that they thought would accompany these misdeeds. In Study 2, college students were asked to describe memories that they expected a typical older adult to recall in response to distinctive emotion cues, including the negative emotions identified in Study 1. Study 3 was a replication of Study 2 using middle-aged participants. In Study 4, older adults provided their own personal memories in response to the emotion cues used in Study 2 and Study 3. The studies identified, for the first time, prominent reminiscence bumps for both expected and actual memories cued by negative emotions. Implications for new research on autobiographical memory functions and age-related memory declines are discussed. (PsycInfo Database Record (c) 2024 APA, all rights reserved).

Adults' memories of childhood cluster in the year of a residential move.

ABSTRACTWhen adults are asked to recall personal past events, transitional episodes occurring in late adolescence and early adulthood are especially likely to be remembered. In addition, recent research has shown that older adults' memories of middle adulthood tend to cluster around the transitional event of moving to a new residence. In the present research, adults recalled five memories of events that occurred between ages 7 and 13, and they subsequently identified family moves that occurred during the same age interval. As hypothesised, participants' event memories were over-represented in the year of their most important childhood move. Memory clustering was enhanced for moves that were linked retrospectively to other salient coinciding events (e.g., a parental divorce). The results provide additional support for the idea that prominent life transitions provide an organising structure for autobiographical memory.

A deeper dive into the reminiscence bump: further evidence for the life script hypothesis.

When older adults are asked to recall personal events that occurred at any point in their lives, memories from late adolescence and early adulthood are overrepresented, forming a reminiscence bump. Thematic analyses have indicated that the bump memories that emerge in response to such prompts frequently represent milestone events that are consistent with cultural life scripts. This study employed a novel method that explicitly targeted only memories of events occurring during late adolescence and early adulthood, allowing in-depth exploration of the contents and potential organising principles associated with these memories. Older adults (N = 197) completed an on-line survey in which they described 7 memories of personal events that had occurred at any time between the ages of 19 and 34. Content analyses indicated that memories frequently portrayed landmark events, consistent with cultural life script theory. After completing the memory task, participants who had been married or had their first child between ages 19 and 34 provided their age at the time of these events. Temporal distributions of memory ages centred on participants' ages at the time of their first marriage or childbirth also were consistent with the life script explanation for the reminiscence bump.

What do you remember about Captain Jon's visit?: Parent-child conversations and children's memory for a science lesson.

Previous research on parent-child conversations about personal and school events has consistently demonstrated positive relationships between parents' elaborative questioning and preschool/kindergarten children's event memory. This study examined whether similarly positive relationships would be evident in school-age children. Kindergarten, 2nd/3rd-grade, and 5th/6th-grade children participated in a classroom science lesson about flight. At home following the lesson, parents talked with their children about this event in any way that seemed natural to them. Children's memory was assessed both during the parent-child conversation and with a researcher at delays of 3 and 15 days. Expected positive associations between parents' use of elaborative questioning and children's memory for novel details during the parent-child conversation were apparent for kindergartners but not for older children. In addition, parents' use of elaborative questioning techniques, including asking open-ended memory questions, was negatively correlated with older children's longer-term memory performance. Predicted positive associations were observed between children's initial recall of novel details and their memory for the lesson after 3 days (all three age groups) and after 15 days (the two older age groups). We discuss possible reasons why relationships between parental conversational styles and children's event memory change as children advance to formal schooling.

What happened in kindergarten? Mother-child conversations about life story chapters.

Research indicates that adults form life story chapters, representations of extended time periods that include people, places and activities. Life chapter memories are distinct from episodic memories and have implications for behaviour, self and mental health, yet little is known about their development during childhood. Two exploratory studies examined parent-child conversations about life chapters. In Study 1, mothers recorded naturalistic conversations with their 5-6 year old children about two chapters in the child's life. In Study 2, mothers recorded conversations with their 6-7 year old children about a particular life chapter-the child's kindergarten year-and also about a specific episode of their choice. The results indicated that young children are able to recall and discuss information about life chapters and that parents actively scaffold children's discussion of general information in chapters as well as specific events. Mothers' conversational style when discussing chapters (e.g., elaborativeness) predicted children's memory contributions, and was also positively correlated with their style when discussing specific events. The results suggest new avenues for research on the ontogeny of life chapters, the factors that shape them, and their role in development.

Writing about life story chapters increases self-esteem: Three experimental studies.

OBJECTIVE: The purpose of the present three studies was to examine experimentally whether writing about life story chapters would increase self-esteem, self-concept clarity, and meaning. METHOD: In study 1, 179 participants rated state self-esteem and self-concept clarity before and after they described either four important life story chapters or four famous Americans. In study 2, 141 new participants completed a similar procedure to study 1 and then returned two days later to complete the procedure a second time. In study 3, 101 community dwelling adults completed a similar procedure to study 1, but responded to full scales measuring self-concept clarity, self-esteem, and mood. RESULTS: In all the studies, writing about four important life story chapters increased the ratings of self-esteem, whereas writing about four famous Americans did not. CONCLUSION: The studies show that writing about chapters in life stories can increase self-esteem and suggest that constructing positive self-worth may be an important function of life stories.

A decline in self-defining memories following a diagnosis of schizophrenia.

PURPOSE: Receiving a diagnosis of schizophrenia can be a profound life transition that often has a negative influence on the patient's sense of self. The present study is the first to examine how self-defining memories are temporally distributed around age at diagnosis of schizophrenia. METHOD: 25 patients and 25 matched control participants identified 3 self-defining memories from their lives. In addition, participants were assessed with standardized interviews and questionnaires on negative and positive symptoms as well as tests of cognitive function. RESULTS: Patients' self-defining memories increased in the years leading up to diagnosis and declined abruptly in the years immediately following diagnosis. The pre-diagnosis increase in self-defining memories was not attributable primarily to a rise in disease-related recollections. CONCLUSION: The sharp post-diagnosis memory decline suggests that patients find it difficult to establish new or evolve existing definitions of self. Implications for models of schizophrenia and for clinical practice are discussed.

I Know My Story and I Know Your Story: Developing a Conceptual Framework for Vicarious Life Stories.

Vicarious life stories are mental representations of other people's life stories. We propose a conceptual framework that situates the study of vicarious life stories at the crossroads between personality and social cognition, identifies their potential functions, and describes possible connections between vicarious and personal life stories. Two preliminary studies compared chapters and specific memories in personal and close others' life stories in two groups of student participants. Ages associated with chapters and specific memories in personal and vicarious life stories showed similar temporal distributions. Emotion ratings of both personal and vicarious life story chapters were related to personality traits and self-esteem, although relations were more consistent for personal chapters. In conclusion, personal and vicarious life stories share important similarities. Mental models of other people include vicarious life stories that serve to expand the self as well as facilitate understanding of others.

Talking after school: Parents' conversational styles and children's memory for a science lesson.

A scientist taught 40 4- to 6-year-old children an interactive science lesson at school. The same day, children talked about the lesson at home with a parent who was naive to the details of what had transpired at school. Six days later, a researcher interviewed children about objects, activities, and concepts that were part of the lesson. Aspects of parents' conversational style (e.g., open-ended memory questions, descriptive language) predicted how much information children provided in talking with them, which in turn predicted children's memory performance 6days later. The findings suggest that elaborative parent-child conversations at home could boost children's retention of academic information acquired at school even when parents have no specific knowledge of what children have experienced there.

The relocation bump: Memories of middle adulthood are organized around residential moves.

The lifetime temporal distribution of older adults' autobiographical memories peaks during the transitional period of late adolescence and early adulthood, a phenomenon known as the reminiscence bump. This age-specific memory enhancement suggests that transitions may provide a more general organizing structure for autobiographical memory. To test this hypothesis, we examined how older adults' memories of events that occurred between the ages of 40 and 60 were distributed around residential relocations occurring within this same time frame. The temporal distribution of memories showed a marked relocation bump around the age of the most important residential move. Although previous research has focused on the negative effects of relocation, the current findings suggest that transitions could have a positive effect on autobiographical memory. (PsycINFO Database Record

Vicarious memories.

People not only have vivid memories of their own personal experiences, but also vicarious memories of events that happened to other people. To compare the phenomenological and functional qualities of personal and vicarious memories, college students described a specific past event that they had recounted to a parent or friend, and also an event that a friend or parent had recounted to them. Although ratings of memory vividness, emotional intensity, visualization, and physical reactions were higher for personal than for vicarious memories, the overall pattern of ratings was similar. Participants' ratings also indicated that vicarious memories serve many of the same life functions as personal memories, although at lower levels of intensity. The findings suggest that current conceptions of autobiographical memory, which focus on past events that happened directly to the self, should be expanded to include detailed mental representations of specific past events that happened to other people.

Using memories to motivate future behaviour: an experimental exercise intervention.

This study tested a novel memory-based experimental intervention to increase exercise activity. Undergraduate students completed a two-part online survey ostensibly regarding college activity choices. At Time 1, they completed questionnaires that included assessments of exercise-related attitudes, motivation and self-reported behaviours. Next, they described a memory of a positive or negative experience that would increase their motivation to exercise; students in a control condition did not receive a memory prompt. Finally, they rated their intentions to exercise in the future. Eight days following Time 1, students received a Time 2 survey that included an assessment of their self-reported exercise during the prior week. Students in the positive memory condition reported higher levels of subsequent exercise than those in the control condition; students in the negative memory condition reported intermediate levels of exercise. Activating a positive motivational memory had a significant effect on students' self-reported exercise activity even after controlling for prior attitudes, motivation and exercise activity.

The reminiscence bump in older adults' life story transitions.

Older adults' memories of events that occurred in adolescence and early adulthood are over-represented compared to other lifetime periods. Prior research on this reminiscence bump has focused on qualities of individual memories. The present study used a novel interview method to examine the potential role played by mental representations of extended lifetime periods. Older adults provided oral life stories, and they divided their transcribed narratives into "chapters". Participants' ages at chapter beginnings and endings showed pronounced reminiscence bumps. The results are consistent with the idea that personal episodes occurring near the boundaries of extended lifetime periods receive preferential processing that enhances long-term memory.

Feeling good and bad about the past and future self.

Prior research has shown that memories of feeling good about the self often focus on achievement themes, whereas memories of feeling bad about the self often focus on interpersonal themes. This study examined whether a similar relationship would be evident for imagined future events. Young adults in the United States and Denmark provided memories and imagined future events that are associated with positive or negative self-regard. Across cultures, achievement themes were prominently represented in memories of positive self-regard and interpersonal themes were prominently represented in memories of negative self-regard. In contrast, relationships between the emotional valence and thematic content of imagined future events were weak and inconsistent. Our results raise new questions for the theory that imagined future episodes are constructed primarily from recombinations of past episodes.

Life story chapters, specific memories and the reminiscence bump.

Theories of autobiographical memory posit that extended time periods (here termed chapters) and memories are organised hierarchically. If chapters organise memories and guide their recall, then chapters and memories should show similar temporal distributions over the life course. Previous research demonstrates that positive but not negative memories show a reminiscence bump and that memories cluster at the beginning of extended time periods. The current study tested the hypotheses that (1) ages marking the beginning of positive but not negative chapters produce a bump, and that (2) specific memories are over-represented at the beginning of chapters. Potential connections between chapters and the cultural life script are also examined. Adult participants first divided their life story into chapters and identified their most positive and most negative chapter. They then recalled a specific memory from both their most positive and most negative chapter. As predicted, the beginning age of positive but not negative chapters produced a bump and specific memories tended to cluster at chapter beginnings. The results support the idea that chapters guide the search for specific memories and that the cultural life script contributes to the search process.

The reminiscence bump for salient personal memories: is a cultural life script required?

Older adults report a higher frequency of autobiographical memories for experiences that occurred between ages 15 and 30, as compared with other life periods. This reminiscence bump is evident for memories involving positive, but not negative, emotions. The cultural life script hypothesis proposes that people share knowledge for the types and timing of positive landmark events and that this script guides the memory search to the bump period. The present research examined whether a reminiscence bump would be evident when memory cues prompted recall of surprising and unexpected events. Older adults recalled positive and negative, surprising positive and surprising negative, or highly expected and highly unexpected events. Adults' memory distributions were compared with distributions of predicted life events generated by undergraduates. Reminiscence bumps were found not only for memories of positive and expected events, but also for memories of surprising and unexpected events. Implications for the life script account are discussed.

Memories of past episodes shape current intentions and decisions.

This research tested the hypothesis that people's decisions and future plans are influenced by recently activated autobiographical memories. University students rated the overall quality of their college experiences. They were also asked to describe a specific memory of being either satisfied or dissatisfied with the university. Control participants did not describe a memory. After statistically controlling for pre-existing attitudes towards the university, students who recounted a positive memory expressed the strongest intentions to donate money to the university, attend a class reunion, and recommend the university to others, and they were more likely than controls to specify that an actual donation be made to the university rather than to another charity. Emotional intensity of positive memories predicted future plans and donation decisions. Students who recounted a negative memory also tended to favour the university in their actual donation decisions compared to controls. Prompting the recall of emotional memories may be an effective way to influence intentions and decisions.

When we feel good and bad about ourselves: self-esteem memories across cultures.

Young adults in the United States, Croatia, and China described personal episodes of times when they felt especially good or bad about themselves. These self-esteem memories were either recent (episodes that occurred during the previous 4 weeks) or remote (episodes that occurred between the ages of 10 and 15). Systematic content differences between memories of positive and negative self-worth were apparent primarily for remote rather than for recent memories. Across cultures, long-lasting positive memories frequently represented achievement themes, whereas negative memories frequently represented social themes. Links between achievement success and positive self-regard, and between social distress and negative self-regard, are explained using theories of self-esteem and autobiographical memory.

Cultural scripts guide recall of intensely positive life events.

In four studies, we examined the temporal distribution of positive and negative memories of momentous life events. College students and middle-aged adults reported events occurring from the ages of 8 to 18 years in which they had felt especially good or especially bad about themselves. Distributions of positive memories showed a marked peak at ages 17 and 18. In contrast, distributions of negative memories were relatively flat. These patterns were consistent for males and females and for younger and older adults. Content analyses indicated that a substantial proportion of positive memories from late adolescence described culturally prescribed landmark events surrounding the major life transition from high school to college. When the participants were asked for recollections from life periods that lack obvious age-linked milestone events, age distributions of positive and negative memories were similar. The results support and extend Berntsen and Rubin's (2004) conclusion that cultural expectations, or life scripts, organize recall of positive, but not negative, events.

Self-esteem memories: feeling good about achievement success, feeling bad about relationship distress.

College students and middle-aged adults provided memories of occasions when they felt especially good or especially bad about themselves. Probes directed the memory search to several age intervals during childhood, adolescence, and adulthood. Predominant themes represented in self-esteem memories differed consistently as a function of emotional valence. Memories of positive self-worth frequently focused on achievement/mastery themes, whereas memories of negative self-worth frequently focused on interpersonal/affiliation themes. When people evaluate the self through the lens of autobiographical memory, interpersonal distress is portrayed as especially damaging and achievement success is portrayed as especially enhancing. The asymmetry between positive and negative self-esteem memories is explained using multiple theoretical perspectives within social and personality psychology.