"That is when I understood everything": Ideological trajectories of pro-choice female doctors in Mexico.

OBJECTIVES: There is little evidence about how physicians become abortion clinicians or advocates. We describe the ideological trajectories of pro-choice female Mexican doctors and the factors that made them pro-choice. STUDY DESIGN: In this qualitative study, we conducted semistructured interviews with members of the Mexican Network of Female Pro-choice Physicians. Participants came from eight diverse states. We used a feminist epistemology approach and analyzed data using inductive coding as well as a priori categories (becoming pro-choice, trajectories, and training). RESULTS: We included 24 female pro-choice physicians. We identified five intersecting factors that influenced becoming pro-choice: feminism, personal experiences, confrontation with the inequalities and violence that women experience, role models, and routine exposure to abortion care. Participants described three ideological trajectories: being pro-choice before studying medicine, not having a specific opinion, and changing from "pro-life" to "pro-choice." Participants described the absence of abortion training in medical schools, stigmatizing training, and the use of alternative training sources. CONCLUSIONS: In the absence of training on abortion during medical education, a combination of intersecting personal as well as work-related experience may turn doctors into pro-choice abortion clinicians and/or advocates. The findings of this study may be used to develop comprehensive medical curricula as well as strategies directed at doctors who have never received training on abortion care, such as promoting interactions with nonmedical abortion providers, education on inequalities and violence against women, moving beyond public health to a human rights and gender perspective, and exposure to routine safe abortion care. IMPLICATIONS: Mexican female doctors become pro-choice clinicians who provide abortion care and/or advocates in spite of their medical education.

Tipos y circunstancias de unión conyugal en la violencia física de pareja en Chiapas, México, 2016

La violencia en contra de las mujeres en la pareja heterosexual, además de ser un tema muy complejo, es un problema de salud pública. Este trabajo contribuye a profundizar no solamente en el tipo de unión conyugal (cohabitación y matrimonio), sino también toma en cuenta las circunstancias en donde ocurre para explicar tanto en mujeres indígenas como no indígenas su relación con la magnitud y la gravedad de las expresiones de maltrato físico en Chiapas, México. El estudio fue realizado a través de un enfoque cuantitativo con base en los datos de la Encuesta Nacional sobre la Dinámica de las Relaciones en los Hogares 2016 (ENDIREH); se incluyeron 2604 mujeres de 15 a 49 años, actualmente unidas, indígenas y mestizas. Los resultados mostraron que la unión libre es más frecuente en las indígenas y se asocia significativamente con una mayor probabilidad de violencia física en sus distintas formas; adicionalmente, las circunstancias en las cuales esta se establece dan cuenta de la variación en la frecuencia de las agresiones, sobre todo cuando las mujeres son forzadas a unirse. La desventaja social de las mujeres subyace al tipo y las circunstancias de unión, destaca su participación o ausencia al decidir y los aspectos normativos que rigen la materia en Chiapas. Se discuten los hallazgos a la luz del cambio reproductivo y el compromiso de los varones en el establecimiento de la unión como elementos constitutivos de la cohabitación y el matrimonio, así como de la violencia íntima de pareja.

Violence against women in heterosexual couples is not only a very complex issue, but also a public health problem. The work contributes to the study not only in the type of conjugal union (cohabitation and marriage) but also taking into account the circumstances in which the union occurs, to explain both in indigenous and non-indigenous women their relationship with the magnitude and severity of the expressions of physical violence against women in Chiapas. The study was conducted through a quantitative approach taking as a basis data from the National Survey on the Dynamics of Household Relationships 2016 (ENDIREH); 2604 women aged 15 to 49 years, currently in union, indigenous and mestizo were included. The results show that free union is more frequent in indigenous women and that this type of union is significantly associated with a higher probability of occurrence of physical violence in its different expressions. Additionally, the circumstances in which the union is established provide evidence of differences in the frequency of physical violence in them, particularly when women are forced to join. The social disadvantage of women underlies the type and circumstances in which the union occurs, highlighting the participation or not of women in the decision to join and the normative aspects that govern unions in Chiapas, Mexico. Results are discussed in light of reproductive change and male involvement in the establishment of the union as elements underlying both cohabitation or marriage and intimate partner violence.

["The system is still precarious". Barriers in access to medical abortion: the experience of accompanying persons in three regions of Mexico]. / "Sigue siendo un sistema precario". Barreras de acceso a abortos clínicos: la experiencia de acompañantes en tres regiones mexicanas.

The study aimed to identify the most frequent barriers in access to abortions in both clandestine and legal clinical contexts, from the perspective of accompanying persons, namely feminist activists who accompanied women that opted for voluntary abortions with medication. We performed 14 semi-structured interviews with accompanying persons in three regions of Mexico: Baja California and Chiapas, both of which are restrictive contexts, and Mexico City, where elective abortion is legal up to 12 weeks' gestational age. We identified four categories in which the social vulnerabilities of women who elect to undergo abortion intersect, namely lack of information, persistence of stigma, influence of the legal framework, and flaws in abortion care, including in clinics for legal termination of pregnancy (in Mexico City), and poor quality of the services provided, with verbal abuse, conscientious objection, and healthcare provider complaints, and finally the antichoice groups and their strategies. In the three regions, access to abortion clinics is still a privilege reserved for women with the necessary economic, logistic, and socials resources for the procedure in these settings. The existence of a program for legal termination of pregnancy (Interrupción Legal de Embarazo) in only one entity reveals the existence of a legal and health inequality. The study's findings on accompanying persons for women undergoing abortions provide backing for the Mexican government to improve access to safe abortions for all women, especially now that the country's Supreme Court has decreed the procedure's decriminalization and its imminent nationwide legalization.

El objetivo de esta investigación fue la identificación de las barreras más recurrentes de acceso a abortos en contextos clínicos (clandestinos o legales), desde la perspectiva de acompañantes, activistas feministas que acompañan a mujeres que optaron por abortos autogestionados con medicamentos. Realizamos 14 entrevistas semiestructuradas con acompañantes en tres regiones mexicanas: Baja California y Chiapas, ambos contextos restrictivos, y la Ciudad de México, donde el aborto por voluntad es legal hasta las 12 semanas. Identificamos cuatro categorías en las cuales se entretejen las vulnerabilidades sociales de las mujeres que deciden abortar, la falta de información, persistencia de estigma, y la influencia del marco legal, los fallos en la atención del aborto, incluso en las clínicas de interrupción legal de embarazo (en la Ciudad de México), y mala calidad de los servicios prestados -maltrato, objeción de conciencia y denuncia de los proveedores de salud-, y, por último, los grupos anti-derechos y sus estrategias. En las tres regiones, el acceso a abortos clínicos sigue siendo un privilegio reservado para las mujeres que cuentan con los recursos económicos, logísticos y sociales indispensables para realizarlo en esos espacios. La existencia de un programa Interrupción Legal de Embarazo en solamente una entidad denota la existencia de una desigualdad jurídica y sanitaria. Los hallazgos de este estudio sobre mujeres acompañantes de abortos aportan elementos para que el Estado mexicano mejore el acceso a abortos seguros para todas las mujeres, sobre todo ahora que la Suprema Corte de la Justicia de la Nación decretó la despenalización, y la legalización inminente en todo el país.

O objetivo dessa pesquisa era identificar as barreiras mais recorrentes no acesso a abortos em contextos medicalizados (clandestinos ou legais), desde o ponto de vista de acompanhantes, ativistas feministas que acompanham mulheres que optaram por abortos autogeridos com medicamentos. Realizamos 14 entrevistas semiestruturadas com acompanhantes em três regiões mexicanas; Baja California e Chiapas, ambas com legislações restritivas, e Cidade de México, onde o aborto voluntário é legal até 12 semanas de gestação. Identificamos quatro categorias nas quais se mesclam as vulnerabilidades sociais das mulheres que decidem abortar, a falta de informação, a persistência de estigma, e a influência do marco legal, as falhas no atendimento para o aborto, inclusive nas clínicas de interrupção legal de gravidez (na Cidade de México), e a baixa qualidade dos serviços prestados - maus tratos, objeção de consciência e denúncia contra os profissionais de saúde -, e, por último, os grupos antiaborto e suas estratégias. Nas três regiões, o acesso a abortos medicalizados continua sendo um privilégio reservado as mulheres que dispõem dos recursos económicos, logísticos e sociais imprescindíveis para realizá-lo naqueles espaços. A presença de um programa de interrupção legal de gravidez (Interrupción Legal de Embarazo) em apenas uma entidade denota a existência de uma desigualdade jurídica e sanitária. Os resultados desse estudo sobre mulheres acompanhantes de abortos trazem elementos para que o Estado mexicano melhore o acesso a abortos seguros para todas as mulheres, sobre tudo agora que a Suprema Corte de Justiça do México decretou a descriminalização e que a legalização é iminente no país como um todo.

Locating Autonomous Abortion Accompanied by Feminist Activists in the Spectrum of Self-Managed Medication Abortion.

Diverse models of self-managed medication abortion exist-ranging from some interaction with medical personnel to completely autonomous abortion. In this commentary, we propose a new classification of self-managed medication abortion and describe the different modalities. We highlight autonomous abortion accompanied by feminist activists, called "acompañantes," as a community- and rights-based strategy that can be a safe alternative to clinical abortion services in clandestine as well as legal settings. To improve access, abortion needs to be decriminalized and governments must acknowledge and facilitate the diversity of safe abortion options so women may choose where, when, how, and with whom to abort.

"Becoming the woman she wishes you to be": A qualitative study exploring the experiences of medication abortion acompañantes in three regions in Mexico.

OBJECTIVES: Acompañantes are activists who accompany women who have medication abortions outside of clinical settings. We describe models of accompaniment across 3 states in Mexico with diverse abortion laws, access, and acompañantes, and describe how acompañantes conceptualize the benefits and challenges of their work. STUDY DESIGN: In this exploratory, qualitative study, we conducted semi-structured interviews with 14 participants about their experiences as acompañantes, in 2 states with restrictive abortion legislation (Baja-California, Chiapas) at the time of research and Mexico City, where abortion is legal upon request in the first trimester. We used a feminist ethnography approach and analyzed data using a priori categories which included perceived benefits of and challenges of the accompaniment model. RESULTS: Participants described similar steps and general characteristics of the accompaniment process regardless of the setting, supporting the concept of an overarching definition of the holistic accompaniment model for these acompañantes. Holistic accompaniment is a horizontal model that involves trusting women, not asking for the reasons for their abortion, preventing criminalization, economic support, respecting autonomy, emotional accompaniment, and being flexible. Participants described perceived advantages, including safety, even in settings otherwise unsafe, such as where women may be stigmatized and / or criminalized. Participants described benefits of autonomous abortion compared to in-clinic medication abortion or surgical abortion, and benefits specifically related to accompaniment, such as the potential to make the abortion a positive experience. CONCLUSIONS: We describe components of a holistic accompaniment model in Mexico which has specific characteristics that may benefit women who opt for out-of-clinic abortion. IMPLICATIONS: We describe specific characteristics of a holistic accompaniment model in Mexico; this description facilitates learning across models and could be used to better understand the similarities and differences among accompaniment models, other self-managed medication abortion models, and provider-led abortion services.

"Sigue siendo un sistema precario". Barreras de acceso a abortos clínicos: la experiencia de acompañantes en tres regiones mexicanas / "The system is still precarious". Barriers in access to medical abortion: the experience of accompanying persons in three regions of Mexico / "Continua sendo um sistema precário". Barreiras no acesso a abortos medicalizados: a experiência de acompanhantes em três regiões mexicanas

El objetivo de esta investigación fue la identificación de las barreras más recurrentes de acceso a abortos en contextos clínicos (clandestinos o legales), desde la perspectiva de acompañantes, activistas feministas que acompañan a mujeres que optaron por abortos autogestionados con medicamentos. Realizamos 14 entrevistas semiestructuradas con acompañantes en tres regiones mexicanas: Baja California y Chiapas, ambos contextos restrictivos, y la Ciudad de México, donde el aborto por voluntad es legal hasta las 12 semanas. Identificamos cuatro categorías en las cuales se entretejen las vulnerabilidades sociales de las mujeres que deciden abortar, la falta de información, persistencia de estigma, y la influencia del marco legal, los fallos en la atención del aborto, incluso en las clínicas de interrupción legal de embarazo (en la Ciudad de México), y mala calidad de los servicios prestados -maltrato, objeción de conciencia y denuncia de los proveedores de salud-, y, por último, los grupos anti-derechos y sus estrategias. En las tres regiones, el acceso a abortos clínicos sigue siendo un privilegio reservado para las mujeres que cuentan con los recursos económicos, logísticos y sociales indispensables para realizarlo en esos espacios. La existencia de un programa Interrupción Legal de Embarazo en solamente una entidad denota la existencia de una desigualdad jurídica y sanitaria. Los hallazgos de este estudio sobre mujeres acompañantes de abortos aportan elementos para que el Estado mexicano mejore el acceso a abortos seguros para todas las mujeres, sobre todo ahora que la Suprema Corte de la Justicia de la Nación decretó la despenalización, y la legalización inminente en todo el país.

The study aimed to identify the most frequent barriers in access to abortions in both clandestine and legal clinical contexts, from the perspective of accompanying persons, namely feminist activists who accompanied women that opted for voluntary abortions with medication. We performed 14 semi-structured interviews with accompanying persons in three regions of Mexico: Baja California and Chiapas, both of which are restrictive contexts, and Mexico City, where elective abortion is legal up to 12 weeks' gestational age. We identified four categories in which the social vulnerabilities of women who elect to undergo abortion intersect, namely lack of information, persistence of stigma, influence of the legal framework, and flaws in abortion care, including in clinics for legal termination of pregnancy (in Mexico City), and poor quality of the services provided, with verbal abuse, conscientious objection, and healthcare provider complaints, and finally the antichoice groups and their strategies. In the three regions, access to abortion clinics is still a privilege reserved for women with the necessary economic, logistic, and socials resources for the procedure in these settings. The existence of a program for legal termination of pregnancy (Interrupción Legal de Embarazo) in only one entity reveals the existence of a legal and health inequality. The study's findings on accompanying persons for women undergoing abortions provide backing for the Mexican government to improve access to safe abortions for all women, especially now that the country's Supreme Court has decreed the procedure's decriminalization and its imminent nationwide legalization.

O objetivo dessa pesquisa era identificar as barreiras mais recorrentes no acesso a abortos em contextos medicalizados (clandestinos ou legais), desde o ponto de vista de acompanhantes, ativistas feministas que acompanham mulheres que optaram por abortos autogeridos com medicamentos. Realizamos 14 entrevistas semiestruturadas com acompanhantes em três regiões mexicanas; Baja California e Chiapas, ambas com legislações restritivas, e Cidade de México, onde o aborto voluntário é legal até 12 semanas de gestação. Identificamos quatro categorias nas quais se mesclam as vulnerabilidades sociais das mulheres que decidem abortar, a falta de informação, a persistência de estigma, e a influência do marco legal, as falhas no atendimento para o aborto, inclusive nas clínicas de interrupção legal de gravidez (na Cidade de México), e a baixa qualidade dos serviços prestados - maus tratos, objeção de consciência e denúncia contra os profissionais de saúde -, e, por último, os grupos antiaborto e suas estratégias. Nas três regiões, o acesso a abortos medicalizados continua sendo um privilégio reservado as mulheres que dispõem dos recursos económicos, logísticos e sociais imprescindíveis para realizá-lo naqueles espaços. A presença de um programa de interrupção legal de gravidez (Interrupción Legal de Embarazo) em apenas uma entidade denota a existência de uma desigualdade jurídica e sanitária. Os resultados desse estudo sobre mulheres acompanhantes de abortos trazem elementos para que o Estado mexicano melhore o acesso a abortos seguros para todas as mulheres, sobre tudo agora que a Suprema Corte de Justiça do México decretou a descriminalização e que a legalização é iminente no país como um todo.

Gasto familiar del tratamiento con hemodiálisis en Tuxtla Gutiérrez, Chiapas, para población abierta y afiliada a los servicios de salud / Familiar health expenditures of haemodialysis treatment in Tuxtla Gutierrez, Chiapas, for open and health-affiliated populations

Resumen: Objetivo: Identificar los gastos que realizan los pacientes que reciben hemodiálisis con diferentes esquemas de cobertura en salud, en la ciudad de Tuxtla Gutiérrez, en el contexto de una entidad altamente marginada como el estado de Chiapas, en México durante los meses de agosto-septiembre de 2017. Métodos: Estudio etnográfico, observacional, descriptivo a partir de una muestra no probabilística intencional de 21 casos abordados mediante entrevistas individuales. Los criterios de selección fueron la etiología de la enfermedad renal crónica, el sexo, el tiempo que tenía el paciente en hemodiálisis, el esquema de financiamiento del tratamiento, el lugar de residencia y la edad. Resultados: Se identificaron cuatro modalidades de financiamiento del tratamiento. Considerando los gastos en medicamentos, transporte, viáticos, consultas médicas, estudios de laboratorio, dieta y hemodiálisis. El grupo que reporta menor gasto es el de pacientes institucionales que destinan en promedio $308.90 USD mensuales, seguido de los pacientes subrogados que destinaron en promedio $337.94 USD mensuales. Los pacientes semiprivados invierten $768.89 USD cada mes y el grupo con el mayor gasto es el de los pacientes privados que destinan en promedio $1,530.61 USD mensualmente. Conclusiones: El tratamiento de la ERC por medio de hemodiálisis tiene un costo mensual por paciente que va desde los $308.9 USD hasta los $1,530.61 USD, por lo tanto, las posibilidades de que un hogar asuma los costos del tratamiento están en función del esquema de seguridad social al que tienen acceso, del capital físico y financiero que posean y de las redes de apoyo que construyan.

Abstract: Objective: To identify the costs incurred by hemodialysis patients under different health coverage schemes in the city of Tuxtla Gutiérrez, in the context of a highly marginalized entity such as the state of Chiapas, Mexico. During the months of August-September 2017. Methods:Ethnographic, observational, descriptive study based on an intentional non-probabilistic sample of 21 cases addressed through individual interviews. The selection criteria were Chronic kidney disease etiology, sex, time spent on hemodialysis, treatment financing scheme, place of residence, and age. Results: Four modalities of treatment financing were identified. Considering expenses for medication, transportation, travel expenses, medical consultations, laboratory studies, diet and hemodialysis. The group that reports the lower spending is institutional patients with an average of 308.94 USD per month, followed by surrogate patients who spend an average of $337.94 USD per month. Semi-private patients invest $768.89 USD each month and the group with the highest spending is private patients who spend an average of $1,530.61 USD monthly. Conclusions: The treatment of chronic kidney disease through hemodialysis has a monthly cost per patient that ranges from $308.9 USD to $1,530.61 USD, therefore, the chances that a household can assume the costs of treatment are based on the social security system they have access to, the physical and financial capital they have and the support networks they build.

La no-maternidad en México. El rol del género y la desigualdad socioeconómica

a no-maternidad en México se perfila como un complejo fenómeno distinto al de las sociedades industrializadas y altamente urbanizadas en las que ha sido fundamentalmente estudiada. Las desiguales condiciones en la que esta se lleva a cabo aluden a una diversidad de experiencias que requieren ser documentadas. Este estudio busca contribuir al conocimiento de la no-maternidad en México, explorando, a partir de fuentes secundarias y análisis descriptivos, sus aspectos sociales y económicos más relevantes. Los resultados ratifican que la no-maternidad ocurre bajo diferentes contextos socioeconómicos, que llegan a ser incluso antagónicos. La no unión conyugal se presenta como un aspecto importante de la nomaternidad que, al no haberse asociado con índices migratorios, muestra que en México las mujeres que no son madres tampoco son esposas, sugiriendo con ello, una doble transgresión al modelo hegemónico del ser mujer, al tiempo que revela una realidad hasta ahora poco visible de las mujeres no madres y no esposas: la de las mujeres con limitaciones físicas.

he non-maternity in Mexico is emerging as a complex phenomenon different from the highly urbanized and industrialized societies in which primarily has been studied. The unequal conditions in which it takes place refer to a variety of experiences that need to be documented. This study seeks to contribute to the knowledge of non-maternity in Mexico, exploring, from secondary sources and descriptive analysis, its most important social and economic aspects. The results confirm that non-maternity occurs under different socioeconomic contexts, that become even antagonistic. Non-marital union was presented as an important aspect of non-maternity that, not having been associated with migration rates, shows that in Mexico women who are not mothers neither are wives, thereby suggesting a double transgression of the hegemonic model of womanhood, while it is revealing a reality hitherto little visible of women who are neither mothers nor wives: the women with physical limitations to work.