The role of parliamentarians in promoting self-care interventions for sexual and reproductive health and rights: applying COVID-19 lens in the Eastern Mediterranean region.

Innovative people-centered care modalities including self-care interventions offer an opportunity to ensure continuity of healthcare services during COVID-19 and in post-COVID-19, as well as contribute to the achievement of universal health coverage. Parliamentarians are uniquely positioned to promote self-care interventions for sexual and reproductive health and rights through their legislative, budget allocation, oversight, and advocacy roles. However, existing health systems governance challenges in the Eastern Mediterranean region such as weak institutions setups, fragmentation of health programs, and limitation of resources could impede parliamentarians' progress. To address these challenges, the following recommended actions should be considered: (1) promote the adaptation of sexual and reproductive health and rights service packages at primary healthcare level to integrate self-care interventions (2) govern innovative people-centered care channels including self-care interventions; and (3) engage in a dialogue with civil society and communities to meet needs, raise public awareness and generate demand.

Lessons from a multidisciplinary partnership involving women parliamentarians to address the overuse of caesarean section in Italy.

The increase of caesarean sections (CS) represents a global concern. Interventions tested to reduce unnecessary caesareans have shown limited success to date, partly because they have focused on medical perspectives or on single faceted interventions targeting only one group of stakeholders. Limited attention has been given to examining multidisciplinary and advocacy activities that could reduce unnecessary CS by raising awareness and engaging the media, advocacy groups, healthcare professionals and politicians. In 2009 in Italy, the national CS rate was the highest in Europe and momentum was building for action. This case study includes a description of the activities conducted in Italy during 2009-2012 by a partnership that included the non-governmental organisation Osservatorio Nazionale sulla Salute della Donna, a bipartisan group of Italian women parliamentarians and the WHO. The objectives were to generate awareness about the increase and overuse of CS in Italy, to foster political actions to reverse this trend, to engage with the media and journalists and to better understand women's birth preferences and needs. A reduction of the CS rate has been observed in Italy following the activities of the initiative from 38.4% in 2009 to 34.2% in 2015 according to the Ministry of Health. Although we cannot infer a casual association between the Partnership and the CS decrease, it did contribute to political momentum and specific actions that should, in theory, have contributed to this reduction. These include the engagement of women parliamentarians for policy change, improved understanding of the local drivers of increases of CS including women's needs and preferences, raising awareness and working with the media to convey appropriate information and an inclusive strategy giving the opportunity to local stakeholders to make their voices heard. This partnership initiative illustrates a model for generating dialogue, reflection and action in countries showing signs of readiness to address escalating CS.

Evidence and knowledge gaps on the disease burden in sexual and gender minorities: a review of systematic reviews.

Sexual and gender minorities (SGM) include individuals with a wide range of sexual orientations, physical characteristics, and gender identities and expressions. Data suggest that people in this group face a significant and poorly understood set of additional health risks and bear a higher burden of some diseases compared to the general population. A large amount of data is available on HIV/AIDS, but far less on other health problems. In this review we aimed to synthesize the knowledge on the burden of communicable and non-communicable diseases, mental health conditions and violence experienced by SGM, based on available systematic reviews. We conducted a global review of systematic reviews, including searching the Cochrane and the Campbell Collaboration libraries, as well as PubMed, using a range of search terms describing the populations of interest, without time or language restrictions. Google Scholar was also scanned for unpublished literature, and references of all selected reviews were checked to identify further relevant articles. We found 30 systematic reviews, all originally written in English. Nine reviews provided data on HIV, 12 on other sexually transmitted infections (STIs), 4 on cancer, 4 on violence and 3 on mental health and substance use. A quantitative meta-analysis was not possible. The findings are presented in a narrative format. Our review primarily showed that there is a high burden of disease for certain subpopulations of SGM in HIV, STIs, STI-related cancers and mental health conditions, and that they also face high rates of violence. Secondly, our review revealed many knowledge gaps. Those gaps partly stem from a lack of original research, but there is an equally urgent need to conduct systematic and literature reviews to assess what we already know on the disease burden in SGM. Additional reviews are needed on the non-biological factors that could contribute to the higher disease burden. In addition, to provide universal access to health-care for all, more information is needed on the barriers that SGM face in accessing health services, including the attitudes of health-care providers. Understanding these barriers and the additional health risks they impose is crucial to improving the health status of SGM.

Female Genital Mutilation: A Literature Review of the Current Status of Legislation and Policies in 27 African Countries and Yemen.

This article discusses the results of a literature review that has assessed the impact of Female Genital Mutilation (FGM) legislation in 28 countries (27 in Africa and Yemen) where FGM is concentrated. Evidence on the impact of FGM legislation was available on prevalence of FGM; changes in societal attitudes and perceptions of FGM; knowledge and awareness of FGM legislation and consequences, and the impact on medicalization. While the majority of countries have adopted legal frameworks prohibiting FGM, these measures have been ineffective in preventing and/or in accelerating the abandonment of the practice. Anti-FGM laws have had an impact on prevalence in only two countries where strict enforcement of legal measures has been complemented by robust monitoring, coupled with robust advocacy efforts in communities. Owing to poor enforcement and lax penalties, legal measures have had a limited impact on medicalization. Similarly, legal frameworks have had a limited impact on societal attitudes and perceptions of FGM, with evidence suggesting rigid enforcement of FGM laws has in some instances been counterproductive. Although evidence suggests legislation has not influenced the decline in FGM in the majority of countries, legal frameworks are nevertheless key components of a comprehensive response to the elimination and abandonment of the practice, and need to be complemented by measures that address the underlying socio-cultural norms that are the root of this practice.

Do Italian women prefer cesarean section? Results from a survey on mode of delivery preferences.

BACKGROUND: About 20 million cesareans occur each year in the world and rates have steadily increased in almost all middle- and high-income countries over the last decades. Maternal request is often argued as one of the key forces driving this increase. Italy has the highest cesarean rate of Europe, yet there are no national surveys on the views of Italian women about their preferences on route of delivery. This study aimed to assess Italian women's preference for mode of delivery, as well as reasons and factors associated with this preference, in a nationally representative sample of women. METHODS: This cross sectional survey was conducted between December 2010-March 2011. An anonymous structured questionnaire asked participants what was their preferred mode of delivery and explored the reasons for this preference by assessing their agreement to a series of statements. Participants were also asked to what extent their preference was influenced by a series of possible sources. The 1st phase of the study was carried out among readers of a popular Italian women's magazine (Io Donna). In a 2nd phase, the study was complemented by a structured telephone interview. RESULTS: A total of 1000 Italian women participated in the survey and 80% declared they would prefer to deliver vaginally if they could opt. The preference for vaginal delivery was significantly higher among older (84.7%), more educated (87.6%), multiparous women (82.3%) and especially among those without any previous cesareans (94.2%). The main reasons for preferring a vaginal delivery were not wanting to be separated from the baby during the first hours of life, a shorter hospital stay and a faster postpartum recovery. The main reasons for preferring a cesarean were fear of pain, convenience to schedule the delivery and because it was perceived as being less traumatic for the baby. The source which most influenced the preference of these Italian women was their obstetrician, followed by friends or relatives. CONCLUSION: Four in five Italian women would prefer to deliver vaginally if they could opt. Factors associated with a higher preference for cesarean delivery were youth, nulliparity, lower education and a previous cesarean.

Positioning women's and children's health in African union policy-making: a policy analysis.

BACKGROUND: With limited time to achieve the Millennium Development Goals, progress towards improving women's and children's health needs to be accelerated. With Africa accounting for over half of the world's maternal and child deaths, the African Union (AU) has a critical role in prioritizing related policies and catalysing required investments and action. In this paper, the authors assess the evolution of African Union policies related to women's and children's health, and analyze how these policies are prioritized and framed. METHODS: The main method used in this policy analysis was a document review of all African Union policies developed from 1963 to 2010, focusing specifically on policies that explicitly mention health. The findings from this document review were discussed with key actors to identify policy implications. RESULTS: With over 220 policies in total, peace and security is the most common AU policy topic. Social affairs and other development issues became more prominent in the 1990s. The number of policies that mentioned health rose steadily over the years (with 1 policy mentioning health in 1963 to 7 in 2010).This change was catalysed by factors such as: a favourable shift in AU priorities and systems towards development issues, spurred by the transition from the Organization of African Unity to the African Union; the mandate of the African Commission on Human and People's Rights; health-related advocacy initiatives, such as the Campaign for the Accelerated Reduction of Maternal Mortality in Africa (CARMMA); action and accountability requirements arising from international human rights treaties, the Millennium Development Goals (MDGs), and new health-funding mechanisms, such as the Global Fund to Fight AIDS, Tuberculosis and Malaria.Prioritization of women's and children's health issues in AU policies has been framed primarily by human rights, advocacy and accountability considerations, more by economic and health frames looking at investments and impact. AU policies related to reproductive, maternal, newborn and child health also use fewer policy frames than do AU policies related to HIV/AIDS, tuberculosis and malaria. CONCLUSION: We suggest that more effective prioritization of women's and children's health in African Union policies would be supported by widening the range of policy frames used (notably health and economic) and strengthening the evidence base of all policy frames used. In addition, we suggest it would be beneficial if the partner groups advocating for women's and children's health were multi-stakeholder, and included, for instance, health care professionals, regional institutions, parliamentarians, the media, academia, NGOs, development partners and the public and private sectors.