Collective memory for American leaders: Measuring recognition for the names and faces of the US presidents.

Collective memory studies show that Americans remember their presidents in a predictable pattern, which can be described as a serial position curve with an additional spike for Abraham Lincoln. However, all prior studies have tested Americans' collective memory for the presidents by their names. How well do Americans know the faces of the presidents? In two experiments, we investigated presidential facial recognition and compared facial recognition to name recognition. In Experiment 1, an online sample judged whether each of the official portraits of the US presidents and similar portraits of nonpresidents depicted a US president. The facial recognition rate (around 60%) was lower than the name recognition rate in past research (88%), but the overall pattern still fit a serial position curve. Some nonpresidents, such as Alexander Hamilton, were still falsely identified as presidents at high rates. In Experiment 2, a college sample completed a recognition task composed of both faces and names to directly compare the recognition rates. As predicted, subjects recognized the names of the presidents more frequently than the faces. Some presidents were frequently identified by their names but not by their faces (e.g. John Quincy Adams), while others were the opposite (e.g. Calvin Coolidge). Together, our studies show that Americans' memory for the faces of the presidents is somewhat worse than their memory for the names of the presidents but still follows the same pattern, indicating that collective memories contain more than just verbal information.

'Sleep-dependent' memory consolidation? Brief periods of post-training rest and sleep provide an equivalent benefit for both declarative and procedural memory.

Sleep following learning facilitates the consolidation of memories. This effect has often been attributed to sleep-specific factors, such as the presence of sleep spindles or slow waves in the electroencephalogram (EEG). However, recent studies suggest that simply resting quietly while awake could confer a similar memory benefit. In the current study, we examined the effects of sleep, quiet rest, and active wakefulness on the consolidation of declarative and procedural memory. We hypothesized that sleep and eyes-closed quiet rest would both benefit memory compared with a period of active wakefulness. After completing a declarative and a procedural memory task, participants began a 30-min retention period with PSG (polysomnographic) monitoring, in which they either slept (n = 24), quietly rested with their eyes closed (n = 22), or completed a distractor task (n = 29). Following the retention period, participants were again tested on their memory for the two learning tasks. As hypothesized, sleep and quiet rest both led to better performance on the declarative and procedural memory tasks than did the distractor task. Moreover, the performance advantages conferred by rest were indistinguishable from those of sleep. These data suggest that neurobiology specific to sleep might not be necessary to induce the consolidation of memory, at least across very short retention intervals. Instead, offline memory consolidation may function opportunistically, occurring during either sleep or stimulus-free rest, provided a favorable neurobiological milieu and sufficient reduction of new encoding.