Temperature shapes language sonority: Revalidation from a large dataset.

Multiple factors of the natural environment have been found to impact and mold the phonetic patterns of human speech, among which the potential correlation between sonority and temperature has garnered significant attention. We leverage a large database containing basic vocabularies of 5,293 languages and calculate the average sonority for each language by adopting a universal sonority scale. Our findings confirm a positive correlation between sonority and temperature across macroareas and language families, whereas this relationship cannot be discerned within language families. We suggest that the adaptation of the distribution of speech sounds within languages is a slow process which is moreover insensitive to minor differences in temperature experienced by speakers as they carry their languages to new regions. Nevertheless, at the global level a solid relationship emerges. Furthermore, we delve deeper into the nature of the relationship and contend that it is mainly due to cold temperatures having a weakening effect on sonority. This research provides compelling additional evidence that climatic factors contribute to shaping language and its evolution.

Tone and word length across languages.

The aim of this paper is to show evidence of a statistical dependency of the presence of tones on word length. Other work has made it clear that there is a strong inverse correlation between population size and word length. Here it is additionally shown that word length is coupled with tonal distinctions, languages being more likely to have such distinctions when they exhibit shorter words. It is hypothesized that the chain of causation is such that population size influences word length, which, in turn, influences the presence and number of tonal distinctions.

Cross-linguistic conditions on word length.

Based on a dataset representing close to ¾ of the world's languages we investigate differences among languages and between items on the Swadesh list with regard to mean word length from a linguistic typological point of view. Mapping the world-wide distribution of word length shows convergence at a continent-wide level, a Pacific Rim signature, and a tendency for large word length averages to be a recessive trait. The amount of data, which is unparalleled in previous, related studies, allows us to provide more solid estimates and accounts for the interrelationships between word length, phoneme segment inventory size, and population size than was previously possible. Word length differences between items exhibit robust, universal tendencies, which are discussed in relation to other quantities, including stability, synonymy, and attestation.

A global analysis of matches and mismatches between human genetic and linguistic histories.

Human history is written in both our genes and our languages. The extent to which our biological and linguistic histories are congruent has been the subject of considerable debate, with clear examples of both matches and mismatches. To disentangle the patterns of demographic and cultural transmission, we need a global systematic assessment of matches and mismatches. Here, we assemble a genomic database (GeLaTo, or Genes and Languages Together) specifically curated to investigate genetic and linguistic diversity worldwide. We find that most populations in GeLaTo that speak languages of the same language family (i.e., that descend from the same ancestor language) are also genetically highly similar. However, we also identify nearly 20% mismatches in populations genetically close to linguistically unrelated groups. These mismatches, which occur within the time depth of known linguistic relatedness up to about 10,000 y, are scattered around the world, suggesting that they are a regular outcome in human history. Most mismatches result from populations shifting to the language of a neighboring population that is genetically different because of independent demographic histories. In line with the regularity of such shifts, we find that only half of the language families in GeLaTo are genetically more cohesive than expected under spatial autocorrelations. Moreover, the genetic and linguistic divergence times of population pairs match only rarely, with Indo-European standing out as the family with most matches in our sample. Together, our database and findings pave the way for systematically disentangling demographic and cultural history and for quantifying processes of shifts in language and social identities on a global scale.

Testing methods of linguistic homeland detection using synthetic data.

Two families of quantitative methods have been used to infer geographical homelands of language families: Bayesian phylogeography and the 'diversity method'. Bayesian methods model how populations may have moved using a phylogenetic tree as a backbone, while the diversity method assumes that the geographical area where linguistic diversity is highest likely corresponds to the homeland. No systematic tests of the performances of the different methods in a linguistic context have so far been published. Here, we carry out performance testing by simulating language families, including branching structures and word lists, along with speaker populations moving in space. We test six different methods: two versions of BayesTraits; the relaxed random walk model of BEAST 2; our own RevBayes implementations of a fixed rate and a variable rates random walk model; and the diversity method. As a result of the tests, we propose a hierarchy of performance of the different methods. Factors such as geographical idiosyncrasies, incomplete sampling, tree imbalance and small family sizes all have a negative impact on performance, but mostly across the board, the performance hierarchy generally being impervious to such factors. This article is part of the theme issue 'Reconstructing prehistoric languages'.

The extent and degree of utterance-final word lengthening in spontaneous speech from 10 languages.

Words in utterance-final positions are often pronounced more slowly than utterance-medial words, as previous studies on individual languages have shown. This paper provides a systematic cross-linguistic comparison of relative durations of final and penultimate words in utterances in terms of the degree to which such words are lengthened. The study uses time-aligned corpora from 10 genealogically, areally, and culturally diverse languages, including eight small, under-resourced, and mostly endangered languages, as well as English and Dutch. Clear effects of lengthening words at the end of utterances are found in all 10 languages, but the degrees of lengthening vary. Languages also differ in the relative durations of words that precede utterance-final words. In languages with on average short words in terms of number of segments, these penultimate words are also lengthened. This suggests that lengthening extends backwards beyond the final word in these languages, but not in languages with on average longer words. Such typological patterns highlight the importance of examining prosodic phenomena in diverse language samples beyond the small set of majority languages most commonly investigated so far.

A test of Generalized Bayesian dating: A new linguistic dating method.

In current practice, when dating the root of a Bayesian language phylogeny the researcher is required to supply some of the information beforehand, including a distribution of root ages and dates for some nodes serving as calibration points. In addition to the potential subjectivity that this leaves room for, the problem arises that for many of the language families of the world there are no available internal calibration points. Here we address the following questions: Can a new Bayesian framework which overcomes these problems be introduced and how well does it perform? The new framework that we present is generalized in the sense that no family-specific priors or calibration points are needed. We moreover introduce a way to overcome another potential source of subjectivity in Bayesian tree inference as commonly practiced, namely that of manual cognate identification; instead, we apply an automated approach. Dates are obtained by fitting a Gamma regression model to tree lengths and known time depths for 30 phylogenetically independent calibration points. This model is used to predict the time depths of both the root and the internal nodes for 116 language families, producing a total of 1,287 dates for families and subgroups. It turns out that results are similar to those of published Bayesian studies of individual language families. The performance of the method is compared to automated glottochronology, which is an update of the classical method of Swadesh drawing upon automated cognate recognition and a new formula for deriving a time depth from percentages of shared cognates. It is also compared to a third dating method, that of the Automated Similarity Judgment Program (ASJP). In terms of errors and correlations with known dates, ASJP works better than the new method and both work better than automated glottochronology.

Nouns slow down speech across structurally and culturally diverse languages.

By force of nature, every bit of spoken language is produced at a particular speed. However, this speed is not constant-speakers regularly speed up and slow down. Variation in speech rate is influenced by a complex combination of factors, including the frequency and predictability of words, their information status, and their position within an utterance. Here, we use speech rate as an index of word-planning effort and focus on the time window during which speakers prepare the production of words from the two major lexical classes, nouns and verbs. We show that, when naturalistic speech is sampled from languages all over the world, there is a robust cross-linguistic tendency for slower speech before nouns compared with verbs, both in terms of slower articulation and more pauses. We attribute this slowdown effect to the increased amount of planning that nouns require compared with verbs. Unlike verbs, nouns can typically only be used when they represent new or unexpected information; otherwise, they have to be replaced by pronouns or be omitted. These conditions on noun use appear to outweigh potential advantages stemming from differences in internal complexity between nouns and verbs. Our findings suggest that, beneath the staggering diversity of grammatical structures and cultural settings, there are robust universals of language processing that are intimately tied to how speakers manage referential information when they communicate with one another.

New Evidence from Linguistic Phylogenetics Identifies Limits to Punctuational Change.

Since the early 1970s, biologists have debated whether evolution is punctuated by speciation events with bursts of cladogenetic changes, or whether evolution tends to be of a more gradual, anagenetic nature. A similar discussion among linguists has barely begun, but the present results suggest that there is also room for controversy over this issue in linguistics. The only previous study correlated the number of nodes in linguistic phylogenies with branch lengths and found support for punctuated equilibrium. We replicate this result for branch lengths, but find no support for punctuated equilibrium using a different, automated measure of linguistic divergence and a much larger data set. With the automated measure, segments of trees containing more nodes show no greater divergence from an outgroup than segments containing fewer nodes.

Sound-meaning association biases evidenced across thousands of languages.

It is widely assumed that one of the fundamental properties of spoken language is the arbitrary relation between sound and meaning. Some exceptions in the form of nonarbitrary associations have been documented in linguistics, cognitive science, and anthropology, but these studies only involved small subsets of the 6,000+ languages spoken in the world today. By analyzing word lists covering nearly two-thirds of the world's languages, we demonstrate that a considerable proportion of 100 basic vocabulary items carry strong associations with specific kinds of human speech sounds, occurring persistently across continents and linguistic lineages (linguistic families or isolates). Prominently among these relations, we find property words ("small" and i, "full" and p or b) and body part terms ("tongue" and l, "nose" and n). The areal and historical distribution of these associations suggests that they often emerge independently rather than being inherited or borrowed. Our results therefore have important implications for the language sciences, given that nonarbitrary associations have been proposed to play a critical role in the emergence of cross-modal mappings, the acquisition of language, and the evolution of our species' unique communication system.

Cultural phylogenetics of the Tupi language family in lowland South America.

BACKGROUND: Recent advances in automated assessment of basic vocabulary lists allow the construction of linguistic phylogenies useful for tracing dynamics of human population expansions, reconstructing ancestral cultures, and modeling transition rates of cultural traits over time. METHODS: Here we investigate the Tupi expansion, a widely-dispersed language family in lowland South America, with a distance-based phylogeny based on 40-word vocabulary lists from 48 languages. We coded 11 cultural traits across the diverse Tupi family including traditional warfare patterns, post-marital residence, corporate structure, community size, paternity beliefs, sibling terminology, presence of canoes, tattooing, shamanism, men's houses, and lip plugs. RESULTS/DISCUSSION: The linguistic phylogeny supports a Tupi homeland in west-central Brazil with subsequent major expansions across much of lowland South America. Consistently, ancestral reconstructions of cultural traits over the linguistic phylogeny suggest that social complexity has tended to decline through time, most notably in the independent emergence of several nomadic hunter-gatherer societies. Estimated rates of cultural change across the Tupi expansion are on the order of only a few changes per 10,000 years, in accord with previous cultural phylogenetic results in other language families around the world, and indicate a conservative nature to much of human culture.

Malagasy dialects and the peopling of Madagascar.

The origin of Malagasy DNA is half African and half Indonesian, nevertheless the Malagasy language, spoken by the entire population, belongs to the Austronesian family. The language most closely related to Malagasy is Maanyan (Greater Barito East group of the Austronesian family), but related languages are also in Sulawesi, Malaysia and Sumatra. For this reason, and because Maanyan is spoken by a population which lives along the Barito river in Kalimantan and which does not possess the necessary skill for long maritime navigation, the ethnic composition of the Indonesian colonizers is still unclear. There is a general consensus that Indonesian sailors reached Madagascar by a maritime trek, but the time, the path and the landing area of the first colonization are all disputed. In this research, we try to answer these problems together with other ones, such as the historical configuration of Malagasy dialects, by types of analysis related to lexicostatistics and glottochronology that draw upon the automated method recently proposed by the authors. The data were collected by the first author at the beginning of 2010 with the invaluable help of Joselinà Soafara Néré and consist of Swadesh lists of 200 items for 23 dialects covering all areas of the island.

Population size and rates of language change.

Previous empirical studies of population size and language change have produced equivocal results. We therefore address the question with a new set of lexical data from nearly one-half of the world's languages. We first show that relative population sizes of modern languages can be extrapolated to ancestral languages, albeit with diminishing accuracy, up to several thousand years into the past. We then test for an effect of population against the null hypothesis that the ultrametric inequality is satisfied by lexical distances among triples of related languages. The test shows mainly negligible effects of population, the exception being an apparently faster rate of change in the larger of two closely related variants. A possible explanation for the exception may be the influence on emerging standard (or cross-regional) variants from speakers who shift from different dialects to the standard. Our results strongly indicate that the sizes of speaker populations do not in and of themselves determine rates of language change. Comparison of this empirical finding with previously published computer simulations suggests that the most plausible model for language change is one in which changes propagate on a local level in a type of network in which the individuals have different degrees of connectivity.