How does emotional intelligence relate to adolescents' interpretation of cues for disgust?

This study investigated the relationship of emotional intelligence and age to adolescents' (11-17 years) free labelling responses to proposed facial expressions and situations for disgust. Emotional intelligence continues to develop throughout adolescence and may provide needed cognitive support for linking the disgust face to the disgust script. Emotional intelligence, specifically, regulating one's own and others emotions, and age predicted adolescents' labelling of disgust facial expressions (but not situations) as disgusted. Older adolescents (15-17 years) were more likely to label disgust faces as disgusted than were younger adolescents (11-14 years) - an effect not found for disgust situations. Labelling the disgust face as disgusted continues to increase until late adolescence. The addition of the disgust face to the disgust script occurs in late adolescence and it is related to the cognitive abilities associated with emotional intelligence.

The word disgust may refer to more than one emotion.

Contrary to a common presupposition, the word disgust may refer to more than one emotion. From an array of 3 facial expressions (produced in our lab), participants (N = 44) in Study 1 selected the one that best matched 11 types of emotion-eliciting events: anger, sadness, and 9 types of disgust (7 types of physical disgust plus moral disgust and simply feeling ill). From an array of 4 facial expressions (two from Matsumoto & Ekman, 1988; two produced in lab), participants (N = 120) in Study 2 selected the one that best matched 14 types of disgust-eliciting events (8 physical and 6 moral). In both studies, the modal facial expression for physical disgust was the "sick face" developed by Widen, Pochedly, Pieloch, and Russell (2013), which shows someone about to vomit. The modal facial expression for the moral violations was the standard disgust face or, when available, an anger face. If facial expression is a constituent of an emotion, physical disgust and moral disgust are separate emotions.

The development of emotion concepts: a story superiority effect in older children and adolescents.

Contrary to traditional assumptions, young children are more likely to correctly label someone's emotion from a story that describes the causes and consequences of the emotion than from the person's facial expression. This story superiority effect was examined in a sample of older children and adolescents (N=90, 8-20 years) for the emotions of fear, disgust, shame, embarrassment, and pride. Participants freely labeled the emotion they inferred from a story describing a cause and consequence of each emotion and, separately, from the corresponding facial expression. In each of five age groups, the expected emotion label was used for the emotion story significantly more than for the corresponding facial expression (except for pride). The story superiority effect is strong from childhood to early adulthood and opens the door to new accounts of how emotion concepts develop.

Children's recognition of disgust in others.

Disgust has been theorized to be a basic emotion with a facial signal that is easily, universally, automatically, and perhaps innately recognized by observers from an early age. This article questions one key part of that theory: the hypothesis that children recognize disgust from its purported facial signal. Over the first 5 years, children experience disgust, produce facial expressions of disgust, develop a concept of disgust, understand and produce the word disgust or a synonym, know about disgust's causes and consequences, and infer disgust in others from a situation or a behavior. Yet, only gradually do these children come to "recognize" disgust specifically from the "disgust face" found in standardized sets of the facial expressions of basic emotions. Improvement is gradual, with more than half of children matching the standard disgust face to disgust only at around 9 years of age and with subsequent improvement continuing gradually until the late teens or early adulthood. Up to age 8, a majority of children studied believe that the standard disgust face indicates anger. Rather than relying on an already known signal value, children may be actively learning to interpret the expression.

The within-subjects design in the study of facial expressions.

The common within-subjects design of studies on the recognition of emotion from facial expressions allows the judgement of one face to be influenced by previous faces, thus introducing the potential for artefacts. The present study (N=344) showed that the canonical "disgust face" was judged as disgusted, provided that the preceding set of faces included "anger expressions", but was judged as angry when the preceding set of faces excluded anger but instead included persons who looked sad or about to be sick. Chinese observers showed lower recognition of the "disgust face" than did American observers. Chinese observers also showed lower recognition of the "fear face" when responding in Chinese than in English.

What emotion does the "facial expression of disgust" express?

The emotion attributed to the prototypical "facial expression of disgust" (a nose scrunch) depended on what facial expressions preceded it. In two studies, the majority of 120 children (5-14 years) and 135 adults (16-58 years) judged the nose scrunch as expressing disgust when the preceding set included an anger scowl, but as angry when the anger scowl was omitted. An even greater proportion of observers judged the nose scrunch as angry when the preceding set also included a facial expression of someone about to be sick. The emotion attributed to the nose scrunch therefore varies with experimental context.

Can an anger face also be scared? Malleability of facial expressions.

Do people always interpret a facial expression as communicating a single emotion (e.g., the anger face as only angry) or is that interpretation malleable? The current study investigated preschoolers' (N = 60; 3-4 years) and adults' (N = 20) categorization of facial expressions. On each of five trials, participants selected from an array of 10 facial expressions (an open-mouthed, high arousal expression and a closed-mouthed, low arousal expression each for happiness, sadness, anger, fear, and disgust) all those that displayed the target emotion. Children's interpretation of facial expressions was malleable: 48% of children who selected the fear, anger, sadness, and disgust faces for the "correct" category also selected these same faces for another emotion category; 47% of adults did so for the sadness and disgust faces. The emotion children and adults attribute to facial expressions is influenced by the emotion category for which they are looking.

Do proposed facial expressions of contempt, shame, embarrassment, and compassion communicate the predicted emotion?

Shame, embarrassment, compassion, and contempt have been considered candidates for the status of basic emotions on the grounds that each has a recognisable facial expression. In two studies (N=88, N=60) on recognition of these four facial expressions, observers showed moderate agreement on the predicted emotion when assessed with forced choice (58%; 42%), but low agreement when assessed with free labelling (18%; 16%). Thus, even though some observers endorsed the predicted emotion when it was presented in a list, over 80% spontaneously interpreted these faces in a way other than the predicted emotion.

Differentiation in preschooler's categories of emotion.

Two studies (N = 68, ages 2;0-3;11; N = 80, ages 2;6-4;11) explore the idea that, rather than starting with a separate mental category for each discrete emotion, children start with two broad categories (positive and negative) and then differentiate within each until adult-like categories form. Children generated emotion labels for (a) facial expressions or (b) stories about an emotion's cause and consequence. Emotions included were happiness, anger, fear, sadness, and disgust. Both conditions yielded the predicted pattern of differentiation. These studies of younger children found the face more powerful in eliciting correct emotion labels than had prior research, which typically relied on older preschoolers.

Children's scripts for social emotions: causes and consequences are more central than are facial expressions.

Understanding and recognition of emotions relies on emotion concepts, which are narrative structures (scripts) specifying facial expressions, causes, consequences, label, etc. organized in a temporal and causal order. Scripts and their development are revealed by examining which components better tap which concepts at which ages. This study investigated whether a facial expression or a brief story describing an emotion's cause and consequence was the stronger cue to basic-level and social emotions. Children (N = 120, 4-10 years) freely labelled the emotion implied by faces and, separately, stories for six basic-level emotions (happiness, anger, fear, surprise, disgust, and contempt) and three social emotions (embarrassment, compassion, and shame). Cause-and-consequence stories were the stronger cue overall, especially for fear, disgust, and social emotions. Faces were the stronger cue only for surprise. Younger children assimilated social emotions into basic-level emotion categories (sadness and anger); older children differentiated them. Differentiation occurred earlier for stories than for faces.

The "disgust face" conveys anger to children.

What does the "facial expression of disgust" communicate to children? When asked to label the emotion conveyed by different facial expressions widely used in research, children (N = 84, 4 to 9 years) were much more likely to label the "disgust face" as anger than as disgust, indeed just as likely as they were to label the "angry face" as anger. Shown someone with a disgust face and asked to generate a possible cause and consequence of that emotion, children provided answers indistinguishable from what they provided for an angry face--even for the minority who had labeled the disgust face as disgust. A majority of adults (N = 22) labeled the same disgust faces shown to the children as disgust and generated causes and consequences that implied disgust.

A closer look at preschoolers' freely produced labels for facial expressions.

Children's performance on free labeling of prototypical facial expressions of basic emotions is modest and improves only gradually. In 3 data sets (N = 80, ages 4 or 5 years; N = 160, ages 2 to 5 years; N = 80, ages 3 to 4 years), errors remained even when method factors (poor stimuli, unavailability of an appropriate label, or the difficulty of a production task) were controlled. Children's use of emotion labels increased with age in a systematic order: Happy, angry, and sad emerged early and in that order, were more accessible, and were applied broadly (overgeneralized) but systematically. Scared, surprised, and disgusted emerged later and often in that order, were less accessible, and were applied narrowly.