How do confronters want perpetrators to respond? Defining successful confrontation as the match between desired and actual outcomes.

Research on confronting prejudice frequently defines an effective confrontation as one that induces change in the perpetrator's prejudicial beliefs or actions. We argue for a broader definition, defining successful confrontation as one that elicits the confronter's desired response. Using a community sample of 152 adults, we conducted an exploratory study in which participants recalled a time when they had confronted racism or sexism. Results revealed a frequent mismatch between what confronters desired and what they received from the perpetrator. Path analysis showed that a perceived match between desired and actual perpetrator responses to confrontation predicted greater positive and lower negative emotion among confronters, across a range of perpetrator responses. We argue that researchers need to expand definitions of successful confrontation to better understand the ways in which confronters' and perpetrators' behaviors intersect within lived experiences of prejudice.

Strategic confrontation: Examining the utility of low stakes prodding as a strategy for confronting sexism.

Confronting sexism has been routinely operationalized in experimental research as assertive behavior that expresses disapproval of sexism. The present research examines an indirect confrontation strategy we term low stakes prodding. We first establish the use of this strategy in a real-time sexist situation (Pilot study, N = 59), then test whether this indirect type of confrontation is considered to be an effective strategy for reducing sexism (Study 1, N = 138), and finally investigate whether low stakes prodding is deliberately used to avoid work-related costs (Study 2, N = 129). Study 1 demonstrated that the majority of respondents perceived low stakes prodding as confrontation, but viewed it as less effective when it was delayed. Study 2 showed that low stakes prodding was seen as a somewhat deliberate confrontation strategy that contributes to positive interpersonal interactions. Overall, the current research suggests that definitions of confrontation need to be expanded in order to encompass strategies used in actual situations of sexism.

Putting the brakes on prejudice rebound effects: An ironic effect of disparagement humor.

When people high in prejudice censor prejudice in one setting, they can experience a prejudice rebound effect-subsequently responding with more prejudice than otherwise. Disparagement humor fosters the release rather than suppression of prejudice. Thus, two experiments tested the hypothesis that exposure to disparagement humor attenuates rebound effects. Participants suppressed prejudice by writing fewer anti-gay thoughts about same-sex adoption (Experiment 1) or by reporting greater support for same-sex civil rights (Experiment 2) when expecting to share their responses with others (non-prejudice norm condition) but not if others first exchanged anti-gay jokes (prejudice norm condition). High-prejudice participants then exhibited prejudice rebound in the non-prejudice norm condition only. They rated a gay man more stereotypically (Experiment 1) and allocated greater budget cuts to a gay student organization (Experiment 2) in the non-prejudice norm condition.

The effects of gender stereotypic and counter-stereotypic textbook images on science performance.

We investigated the effect of gender stereotypic and counter-stereotypic images on male and female high school students' science comprehension and anxiety. We predicted stereotypic images to induce stereotype threat in females and impair science performance. Counter-stereotypic images were predicted to alleviate threat and enhance female performance. Students read one of three chemistry lessons, each containing the same text, with photograph content varied according to stereotype condition. Participants then completed a comprehension test and anxiety measure. Results indicate that female students had higher comprehension after viewing counter-stereotypic images (female scientists) than after viewing stereotypic images (male scientists). Male students had higher comprehension after viewing stereotypic images than after viewing counter-stereotypic images. Implications for alleviating the gender gap in science achievement are discussed.