Honrar a Rosa Parks? Intentos de los sectores católicos conservadores a favor de los derechos en la América Latina contemporánea / Claiming Rosa Parks: conservative catholic bids for rights in contemporary Latin America / Honrar Rosa Parks? Tentativas dos setores católicos conservadores a favor dos direitos na América Latina contemporânea

Cuando en el año 2009 se otorgó en Argentina el Premio Rosa Parks a una senadora conservadora por su oposición abierta al uso de anticonceptivos, a la esterilización y al aborto, era evidente que algo extraño ocurría. En este artículo se documenta la apropiación de los discursos de "derechos humanos" por parte de los sectores católicos conservadores en América Latina, donde el éxito reciente de los movimientos sociales a favor de los derechos sexuales y reproductivos ha generado una reacción significativa. En particular, se indagan los esfuerzos por parte de académicos católicos especialistas en leyes para justificar lo que denominan "un enfoque distintivamente latinoamericano hacia los derechos humanos", dejando de lado décadas de activismo por los derechos humanos emprendido por otros sectores. Quienes se oponen a los derechos reproductivos y sexuales despliegan un discurso de derechos de forma selectiva y estratégica, utilizándolo como una cubierta secular para promover políticas pro-vida y pro-familia.

When the Rosa Parks Prize was awarded to a conservative Argentine senator in 2009 for her outspoken opposition to contraception, sterilisation, and abortion, it was clear that something odd was happening. This paper documents the appropriation of "human rights" discourses by conservative Catholics in Latin America, where the recent success of reproductive and sexual rights social movements has generated a significant backlash. It specifically traces an effort by Catholic legal scholars to justify what they term "a distinctively Latin American approach to human rights" while ignoring decades of human rights activism by others. Opponents of reproductive and sexual rights are deploying rights-talk selectively and strategically, I argue, using it as secular cover to advance pro-life and pro-family policies.

Quando se outorgou o Prêmio Rosa Parks na Argentina a uma senadora conservadora, no ano de 2009, por sua oposição aberta ao uso de anticoncepcionais, à esterilização e ao aborto, era evidente que algo estranho acontecia. Nesta exposição documenta-se a apropriação dos discursos de "direitos humanos" por parte dos setores católicos conservadores na América Latina, onde o êxito recente dos movimentos sociais a favor dos direitos sexuais e reprodutivos gerou uma reação significativa. Em particular, indaga-se sobre os esforços por parte de acadêmicos católicos especialistas em leis para justificar o que denominam de "um enfoque distintivamente latino-americano para os direitos humanos", deixando de lado décadas de ativismo pelos direitos humanos empreendido por outros setores. Quem se opõe aos direitos reprodutivos e sexuais desdobra ou faz um desdobramento de um discurso de direitos de forma seletiva e estratégica, em minha opinião, utilizando-o como uma coberta/divisória secular para promover as políticas pró-vida pró-família.

[Bioethics and abortion. Debate]. / Bioetica y aborto. Debate.

PIP: Although abortion has been the most debated of all issues analyzed in bioethics, no moral consensus has been achieved. The problem of abortion exemplifies the difficulty of establishing social dialogue in the face of distinct moral positions, and of creating an independent academic discussion based on writings that are passionately argumentative. The greatest difficulty posed by the abortion literature is to identify consistent philosophical and scientific arguments amid the rhetorical manipulation. A few illustrative texts were selected to characterize the contemporary debate. The terms used to describe abortion are full of moral meaning and must be analyzed for their underlying assumptions. Of the four main types of abortion, only 'eugenic abortion', as exemplified by the Nazis, does not consider the wishes of the woman or couple--a fundamental difference for most bioethicists. The terms 'selective abortion' and 'therapeutic abortion' are often confused, and selective abortion is often called eugenic abortion by opponents. The terms used to describe abortion practitioners, abortion opponents, and the 'product' are also of interest in determining the style of the article. The video entitled "The Silent Scream" was a classic example of violent and seductive rhetoric. Its type of discourse, freely mixing scientific arguments and moral beliefs, hinders analysis. Within writings about abortion three extreme positions may be identified: heteronomy (the belief that life is a gift that does not belong to one) versus reproductive autonomy; sanctity of life versus tangibility of life; and abortion as a crime versus abortion as morally neutral. Most individuals show an inconsistent array of beliefs, and few groups or individuals identify with the extreme positions. The principal argument of proponents of legalization is respect for the reproductive autonomy of the woman or couple based on the principle of individual liberty, while heteronomy is the main principle of opponents. Opponents have taken an active approach in decomposing their beliefs into different strands to be argued. Their assertions that the fetus is a person from conception or a person in potential have forced proponents of legalized abortion to argue in a largely reactive mode.^ieng

Reproductive health clinic raided and closed in Bogota, Colombia.

On December 17, armed criminal investigative forces acting under the direction of Colombia's secretary and deputy secretary of health, brutally raided the main clinic of the Orientame reproductive health care federation in Bogota, Colombia. Allegedly responding to charges that the clinic was providing abortions, investigators entered the clinic without warning, brandishing automatic weapons. Once inside, they threatened and physically assaulted patients and clinic staff, destroyed office equipment, broke down doors, and ordered the clinic to close. Since its founding in 1977, Orientame has become Colombia's second largest non-governmental family planning organization. The federation, consisting of three clinics, provides a full range of obstetric, gynecological, and information services, including family planning counseling, cancer screening, treatment for sexually transmitted diseases, prenatal care, adoption placement and counseling, and treatment of incomplete abortion. Serving approximately 250,000 women in its 17 years of operation, Orientame has a sliding fee scale and often waives costs for women who are unable to pay. Were Orientame to close its doors permanently, women facing complications from unsafe abortions but unable to pay private doctors would be forced to go to public hospitals and risk arrest. Despite the country's prohibition of abortions not necessary to save a woman's life, an estimated 288,400 Colombian women underwent abortions in 1989; 57,680 were hospitalized for complications from unsafe or incomplete procedures.

[ABEPF: honest work and the battle against obstacles]. / ABEPF: trabalho honesto e luta contra obstaculos.

PIP: The 1988 Brazilian Constitution defined the right of married individuals to family planning (FP). In 1981 ABEPF (the Brazilian Association of Family Planning Entities) was established in order to unite the private entities that were engaged in FP work. ABEPF has been working in a responsible manner without profit since then, and has earned the right to be granted the title of public federal utility. However, it is paradoxically because of its FP work that ABEPF is not given this title. The opponents of FP continue to obstruct the realization of Paragraph 7 of Article 226 of the Constitution. Public federal utility is an extremely important appellation because of the benefits and status conferred. ABEPF is already recognized as a public utility in the state of Rio de Janeiro. Previous attempts to acquire the title were turned down without justification by Dr. Zilda Arns, the director of CNBB. Then, the director of ABEPF and Dr. Zilda Arns met on December 7, 1992, when another application looked more promising. However, it was vetoed again, with Arns claiming that ABEPF might potentially become a proabortion body. In reality, those who refuse to help a broad, safe, and responsible FP program are themselves accountable for the high abortion rate. With its hypothetical arguments about the potential proabortion image of ABEPF, the representative of CNBB in the Ministry of Health arrogates the right to create all kinds of obstacles to preclude ABEPF from getting this title. While this obstruction continues, hundreds or thousands of fake organizations have falsely benefitted from public resources, and those who have created the obstacles have not done anything against this pattern. The issue here is the destiny of FP and the population policy of this country, because the federal authorities do not want a confrontation with the bishops.^ieng

On legalizing abortion: an open letter from Mexico's Christian Women's Collective.

PIP: In Mexico City the Christian Women's Collective's open letter to the Catholic Church is a response to the Catholic bishops' threats of excommunication of lawmakers in Chiapas State, Mexico, who may have approved a bill legalizing abortion. The bishops maintain that God is a just and merciful God who loves women and suffers with them. The Collective cannot ignore the 2 million women, 1.72 million of whom are Catholics, who undergo illegal abortions annually in Mexico. They tend to be poor and in a union and to have large families. The Collective does not advocate abortion, but recognized that almost all women who have had an abortion were not at all happy to do so. Instead they suffer depression, solitude, shame, and pain. In addition to the moral punishment, these women are at high risk of dying (150,000-200,000 women die annually from illegal abortions). Economic circumstances, health problems, rape, and abandonment threaten their lives, so abortion is a last resort. The Collective maintains that the Catholic Church must understand that God empathized with women's pain, and in sending Jesus, has become one with humanity. The Church must seriously consider this sorrowful and very complex situation and reflect on the circumstances leading to abortion rather than condemn it. It must realize that by choosing abortion women want to avoid harm in those cases where pregnancy could cause death, avoid injustice when rape caused the pregnancy, or avoid giving birth to an infant that society or family cannot sustain. The present adverse and unjust situation contributing to unwanted pregnancy and illegal abortion is a social sin. The Catholic Church needs to build a new pastoral program with women at its center emphasizing sexuality, maternity, and contraception. Indeed, confronting the true social, moral, and political causes of abortion, and avoiding punishment, incarceration, or excommunication will resolve the issue.^ieng

Is there life after the Mexico City policy?

PIP: On January 22, 1993--the 20th anniversary of the legalization of abortion in the US--President William Clinton signed 5 abortion-related memoranda that reversed almost a decade of conservative Republican policies in the field of reproductive health. Perhaps most significant on a global level was termination of the 1984 "Mexico City policy"--federal money can once again be assigned to international family planning programs that provide abortions or abortion counseling as part of their work. The International Planned Parenthood Federation lost millions of dollars in US aid for refusing to sign the Mexico City agreement, and anti-abortion forces in the developing world gained in strength. Most affected were poor women and adolescents in Latin America and the Caribbean who were forced to obtain unsafe illegal abortions. Although President Clinton's action creates the necessary political climate for a renewed battle against unsafe abortion in developing countries, an intensive campaign will be required to undo the "chill factor" created by a decade of neglect of abortion rights.^ieng

The abortion debate in the Dominican Republic.

PIP: Faced with a situation in which an estimated 60,000 illegal abortions (a major cause of maternal mortality) were performed annually, the Dominican Republic has adopted a new Health Code which contains a chapter dedicated to maternal health. Included in the new code are cases in which abortion is allowed: 1) when 2 specialists affirm that the pregnancy or childbirth constitutes a risk to the mother's health or life; 2) if the medical history of the parents and 2 doctors confirm the likelihood of the baby being born seriously disabled or deformed; or 3) if the mother's mental health is put in jeopardy by continuing the pregnancy. Despite the disapproval of church representatives, the legalization of abortion was unanimously approved by the Congress. The debate which surrounded the process was increased by a petition signed by more than 260 women decrying the lack of input that women had in the decision-making process. Women's action groups have been trying to widen the context in which the political discussion is taking place to stress the importance of viewing abortion from a reproductive rights perspective. The women's groups wish to prevent a situation in which the discussion surrounding the issue will be limited to legislators and church leaders. The women have pointed out that women should make the decisions about their lives and their bodies. In the meantime, the president of the Congress predicts that illegal abortion will continue in the Dominican Republic regardless of the current provisions for legal abortion.^ieng

Community education. Mexico.

PIP: In Mexico, Mexicanos contra el SIDA, a confederation of 15 nongovernmental organizations (NGOs), was formed in July 1989 in order to present a stronger political presence, strengthen activities, and increase access to international funding. The group works with homosexuals, women, persons who are seropositive for human immunodeficiency virus (HIV), laborers, students, and professionals. From July 27 to December 15, 1989, in collaboration with the Mexican Radio Institution (IMER), 90 radio spots, which were primarily aimed at youngsters, were broadcast. 16 full-length programs were also produced. The result was a huge demand for condoms and information, especially in Mexico City, among young people who attended rock concerts organized in collaboration with IMER. The national acquired immunodeficiency syndrome (AIDS) program, CONASIDA, began public education campaigns again in response to the radio programs, in spite of the anti-abortionists, Provida, who had put a stop to public education on condoms and AIDS prevention in 1988. Mexicanos contra el SIDA threatened legal action when Provida and the National Union of Parents in Families tried to take legal action against the director of CONASIDA, Dr. Jaime Sepulveda Amor. The confederation has now signed a working agreement with CONASIDA, although there is concern regarding CONASIDA's political control of funds and fear the bureaucracy will slow down work. The confederation is seeking more direct contact with international funding agencies.^ieng

Brazilian women in politics.

PIP: Women are gradually gaining influence in Brazilian politics, especially since recent advances in the women's movement, but they still play a limited role. There have been journals devoted to feminism and some notable feminists since 1850. In 1932 suffragettes in Brazil gained women the right to vote. Women's associations burgeoned in the 1940s and 1950s, culminating in a peak in number of women in national elected positions in 1965. A repressive military regime reversed the process, which resumed in 1975. 1975 was also significant for the Brazilian women's movement because of the U.N. Women's Year. Several large, influential feminist political action groups were formed, typically by upper class women with leftist views, although some church and union groups from lower classes also appeared. In 1979-1981, the coherence of these groups fell into schism and fragmentation, because of disagreements over the feminist political doctrines and roles, views on legality of abortion, and special interest groups such as lesbians. Another bitter dispute is opposition by leftist women to BEMFAM, the Brazilian Society of Family Welfare, which provides family planning for the poor: leftists oppose BEMFAM because it is supported by funds from "imperialist" countries such as the U.S. There are several types of feminists groups: those that emphasize health, sexuality and violence; those composed of lesbians; those originating from lower classes and unions; publicly instituted organizations. Brazilian law forbids discrimination against women holding public office, but in reality very few women actually do hold office, except for mayors of small towns and a few administrators of the Education and Social Security ministries. Political office in Brazil is gained by clientism, and since women rarely hold powerful positions in business, they are outsiders of the system. Brazilian women have achieved much, considering the low female literacy rate and traditional power system, but their equality continues to be a major challenge.^ieng