[The importance of children for the elderly and changes in reproductive behavior (a study of three rural communities in Mexico)]. / Importancia de los hijos en la vejez y cambios en el comportamiento reproductivo (estudio en tres comunidades rurales de Mexico).

"This study analyzes the importance of children in the care of elderly populations in rural communities [in Mexico].... In particular, the perception of elders about the value of their children is analyzed, especially the role children play in their economic contribution to the household or their instrumental value to it at different stages of their lives.... With respect [to] the condition in which children support their parents in their old age the economic assistance given was studied too. Finally, the preference regarding family size of those 60 years or older [is] given, as well as the view points of women on the need to control fertility and reduce family size. Three different types of cost are studied: the economic cost of supporting and caring for children, the emotional cost of their upbringing and the health cost of multiple pregnancies and births." (SUMMARY IN ENG)

Unbiased sex ratios among the Bari: an evolutionary interpretation.

PIP: The Bari, a group of Indians living in a South American rainforest, were studied in order to determine whether there were any differences in the proportions of sons and daughters at birth and/or later ages, and whether costs associated with offspring of each sex differed with unequal rates of survival as predicted by Fisher's hypothesis. Predictions derived from the Trivers and Willard model, where parents favor offspring of the sex requiring greater parental investment, were also tested. During 1988 and 1989, various Bari villages in Venezuela were visited. A total of 59 people (32 women and 27 men) thought to be in their mid-forties or older were interviewed asked to recount their life histories by questions on numbers and names of spouses and children. The dataset was complemented with genealogical and demographic information including a census taken in 1982 and information from birth records. Data were used to reconstruct the reproductive histories of 110 adults (55 women: 32 interviewed and 23 whose spouses were interviewed, and 5 men: 27 interviewed and 28 from spouses' interviews) of post-reproductive ages presumably born more than 40-50 years ago. The sex ratio at birth was approximately 1, and the relative proportions of male and female children alive were similar at ages starting at birth and ending at 15 years of age. When miscarriages and stillbirths were added to the number of live births, the proportions continued to be similar. During the prenatal stage a G-test of goodness of fit indicated that boys were more likely to die than girls. A trend, though not statistically significant, was found for higher male mortality during the 1st year of life. Sons and daughters were equally costly. Sex ratios at the end of the period of dependence were slightly biased toward daughters, confirming Fisher's hypothesis. On the other hand, no support was found for the Trivers-Willard model of sex ratios.^ieng

[The one-child policy in China]. / La politica de un solo hijo en China.

PIP: Although the government of the People's Republic of China manifested sporadic concern about the nation's rapid population growth beginning at the time of the 1953 national census, it was not until the 1970s that a small family with a maximum of 2 children began to be promoted through a national campaign of education and persuasion. With the subsequent advent of the 1-child policy in 1979, the family planning campaign became a campaign for population planning in which the government no longer limited itself to contraceptive education and distribution, but began to intervene in human reproduction to accomodate it to material production. China's population policy, despite setbacks and delays, has had notable results. No other predominantly peasant society has achieved such a significant fertility decline in such a short time, but the price has been high. The problems have included confrontation with ancient cultural traditions, interference of the government in the most intimate aspects of family life, the sacrifice of a natural desire for children, evasion of marriage and birth registration, and even female infanticide. The incentives and sanctions for the 1-child policy have been primarily economic in nature, but widespread coercion and abuse have been reported. Although China's fertility has declined steadily since 1971, the fall was considerably greater in the cities, where the expense of children and critical housing shortages have effectively discouraged childbearing. In the countryside the dismantling of the communes and substitution of a system of family responsibility for agricultural production have had a strong pronatalist effect, reinforcing the desire for children as a means of old age security. The costs of children in rural areas are insignificant compared to the cities, housing is less crowded, and fertility sanctions are harder to enforce. Rural discontent and resistence to government family planning policy nevertheless became so acute that it was probably a factor in the 1984 relaxation of the 1-child policy in certain rural areas. Despite considerable success, the Chinese government has not met its family planning goals. 32.3 million couples, or 18% of fertile-aged couples, have expressed willingness to have only 1 child. The 32.3 million include 36% of urban and 11% of rural couples. According to a July 1988 fertility survey, the crude birth rate dropped to 8.84/1000, but the rates of early marriage and adolescent pregnancy were increasing. A major problem in the next 5 years will be the arrival at marriageable age of the large cohorts born around the time of the Cultural Revolution.^ieng

[The relationship between fertility and income: a review of some interpretations]. / Relacion entre fecundidad e ingresos: revision de algunas interpretaciones.

PIP: The relationship between fertility and income has been a preoccupation of demography since Malthus published the Principles of Population. Of the various approaches surveyed in this article, the economic analysis of fertility pioneered by Gary Becker based on neoclassical consumption theory argues the most strongly for a positive influence of income on fertility. Becker's model views children as consumer goods competing with alternative goods as parents attempt to maximize their utility or satisfaction. The indifference curves, budget lines and other analytical apparatus of microeconomic research are central to this approach. Blake and other opponents have questioned the appropriateness of microeconomic analysis in understanding family size and fertility. The theory of the demographic transition, unlike Becker's approach, views the income-fertility relationship as fundamentally negative. Although there is general consensus that the theory of demographic transition is a cornerstone of demography, there is less agreement as to its actual status. It appears to be less a truly developed theory based on a refined conceptual framework than a description or typology of apparent regularities observed in the past. Various authors have criticized specific elements of economic analysis of fertility. Okun rejected explanations of family size based on orthodox consumption theory because the costs of children, unlike the costs of consumer goods, are not the same for all households, while Mincer added analysis of opportunity costs, in this case referring essentially to the value of the time spent by mothers in child rearing instead of other activities. Several other analysts have suggested modification to the microeconomic approach. 2 recent reflections have contributed to an empirical and theortical synthesis of earlier work incorporating elements of demographic transition theory. Eva Mueller and Kathleen Short, in a work with considerable relevance to the Third World, have attempted to reconcile apparently contradictory findings by distinguishing between direct and indirect costs, by examining the time frame of references to income level, and by carefully distinguishing between macro- and microlevel studies conducted in rural or urban areas. Easterlin's work attempts to describe and explain the great fertility changes that occur in the process of modernization, including the fertility-income relationship. He includes in his analysis the supply of children--the number of surviving children a couple would have if they made no attempt to control their fertility--and the costs of fertility regulation. It appears from a review of this literature that the relationship between income and fertility is not universally either positive or negative. Economic analyses can contribute to clarification of the relative influence of income and other varibles that determine fertility levels and trends.^ieng

Empirical findings on socioeconomic determinants of fertility differentials in Costa Rica.

"This paper seeks to (1) identify socioeconomic variables that are expected to generate fertility differentials; (2) hypothesize the direction and magnitude of the effect of each variable by reference to a demand-for-children model; and (3) test empirically the model using evidence from Costa Rica. The estimates are obtained from a ten-percent systematic random sample of all Costa Rican individual-family households. There are 15,924 families in the sample...." The authors specifically seek "to capture the effects of changing relative prices and available income and time constraints on parental preferences for children. Least-squares estimates show statistically significant relationships between household fertility and opportunity cost of time, parental education, occurrence of an extended family, medical care, household sanitation, economic sector of employment, and household stock of nonhuman capital."

[Determinants of fertility in Costa Rica]. / Determinantes de la fecundidad en Costa Rica.

PIP: An attempt to systematize variables or factors traditionally associated with fertility, this study is not intended as a theoretical framework. 2 periods in Costa Rican fertility are recognized: one before 1960 and one after 1960. Within these periods 4 stages, each with different "key" determinants, are recognized. Until 1960, high fertility rates prevailed, with more than 6 children as total. Fluctuations were due to voluntary factors such as nuptiality and breastfeeding, and involuntary factors such as demand for less children during economic recession. Between 1960 and 1975 fertility declined. It is believed that the "key" factors in this fertility decline were on the contraceptive "offert" side rather than on the children demand side. The participation of peasants and low socioeconomic groups in the fertility decline and governmental health and family planning services are also recognized as important factors. Since the mid 70's a new stage of relative stability has been reached with an apparent convergence towards a total fertility of 3 children. How close this level is reached in the near future will depend on the control of unwanted fertility. The possibility of a 2nd fertility decline in Costa Rica depends mainly on factors which determine why couples have a 3rd child. Consequently, investigation of these factors is suggested to anticipate the future course of Costa Rican fertility. Basic fertility data are given in tables and an appendix.^ieng

[Poverty and Fertility in Costa Rica]. / Pobreza y fecundidad en Costa Rica.

PIP: This study examines the relationship between poverty and fertility pointing out socioeconomic correlatives of family size. An attempt is made to identify the poor. Data for the families was taken out of a National household survey carried out between July 1966 and June 1967. Poverty levels were defined by taking into consideration the minimal subsistence salaries as established by the Consejo Nacional de Salarios (National Income Council) for the period between October 1966 and September 1968. Additional variables examined were the parents' educational level, type of union (consensual or legal), area of residence, diet, residence characteristics, and the role of offspring in the family's income. Results indicate a positive relationship between family size and poverty for both legal and consensual unions and for urban and rural areas. In all cases, low income families had a larger average number of children. In urban areas the difference between low and high income families varied from 4.3 to 3.2 children. This difference ranged between 4.6 and 3.0 children in rural areas. Education was shown to determine the income of the family head and the education of the children. 65.4% of those with less than 3 years of education did not reach above the 1st income level; the offspring of poor families received less than 3 years of education on the average, while only 2.9% of children from high income families remained at that educational level. The poor consumed a greater quantity of grains than did the higher income families. In low income families both from rural and urban areas a room was shared by more than 1 person. The study suggests that children were seen as part of survival strategies. Only 4% of the families without children were destitute. Nevertheless, 21.1% of these earned high incomes. By contrast only 5% of families with 1 or 2 children were destitute and only 1.5 reached high income categories. Tables illustrate results. A brief literature review is included.^ieng

[The world of children]. / El mundo de los ninos.

PIP: The status of children around the world is addressed through a discussion of the problems of infant mortality, malnutrition, illiteracy, and child labor in the context of general societal problems of health, education, housing, and employment. General familial and societal changes which affect childhood and growing attention to the rights of children are discussed. The quantity, growth, and geographical distribution of the child population is next considered. A framework for satisfaction of the necessities of children through satisfaction of the basic human needs of all the members of the societies in which they live is outlined, and particular strategies for problem area including health, nutrition and education are recommended.^ieng

[Toward a predictive model of family planning]. / Hacia un modelo predictivo de la planificacion familiar.

PIP: A study of 1200 women aged 15-45 in Mexico City was conducted with the object of discovering the factors that have the greatest predictive value for attitudes, beliefs, intentions, and behavior in reference to family planning. Information was solicited by questionnaire with respect to 6 groups of variables: 1) independent variables (age, education, occupation and education of spouse, and whether the woman worked before marriage); 2) perceived value of children and family planning; 3) peer group norms; 4) marital relationship; 5) modernization; and 6) motivation. Factor analysis was applied to each of the groups ofvariables to determine which factors had the greatest impact within the group; then multiple regression analysis was applied to determine which factors had the greatest predictive value. A predictive model of family planning according to the results is illustrated and the various aspects discussed. It was found that the intention to use contraceptives and a good marital relationship (one with open communication and shared decision making) were the best predictors of effective family planning behavior.^ieng

Child growth and the economic value of children in rural Bolivia.

PIP: The author attempts an evaluation of the significance of children's economic input using child growth as an indirect indicator of the economic value of children. Children in households of varying size and age composition are compared on the basis of five anthropometric measurements. Data are for 510 children from a community of Aymara Indians living in Ancoraimes county, Bolivia^ieng