[The loneliness barometer 2024: methodology and selected results]. / Einsamkeitsbarometer 2024: Methodik und ausgewählte Ergebnisse.

Loneliness is a relatively new topic in the field of health and social policy. A pivotal requirement for the formulation of effective policies addressing loneliness in Germany lies in the access to comprehensive, longitudinal data.In 2024, the first "Loneliness Barometer" was conducted by the Loneliness Network Germany (KNE) at the Institute for Social Work and Social Pedagogy e. V. (ISS e. V.) on behalf of the Federal Ministry for Family Affairs, Senior Citizens, Women and Youth (BMFSFJ). It is a report on the long-term development of loneliness within the German population (18 years and older), for which representative data from the German Socio-Economic Panel (SOEP, 1992-2021) were analysed. The loneliness barometer is also intended to provide evidence-based statements on the long-term development of loneliness burdens in Germany in the future.This article provides an insight into the decisions made in the development of the Loneliness Barometer methodology and presents selected key findings from the first Loneliness Barometer. Leveraging data from the German Socio-Economic Panel (SOEP), the Loneliness Barometer underscores the multifaceted disparities faced by individuals grappling with heightened loneliness levels. These disparities manifest across various domains: diminished health outcomes, constrained social and financial resources encompassing education and employment, reduced economic participation, curtailed political engagement and heightened scepticism towards democratic institutions. The article concludes with considerations of the limitations and future development possibilities of the Loneliness Barometer.

Negotiating what it means to be "free": gender equality and governance in North and East Syria.

In this article, I discuss the radical gender equality reforms in the Autonomous Administration of North and East Syria (AANES), also known as Rojava, and how they have affected women's lives since the implementation of the Women's Law in 2014. Based on 40 in-depth interviews, eight group interviews, and participant observation, this ethnographic study illustrates how the ideal of the "free" woman permeates society in North and East Syria, prescribing desired forms of behavior and appearance. Drawing on the literature on gender and nationalism in postcolonial processes of state building, my study provides an analysis of the AANES' gender discourse that considers the real-life governing effects of the reforms. Building from the Foucauldian premise that modern power engenders disciplinary practices, I examine how awareness-raising efforts and education seminars establish new forms of control in the public sphere. I contend that the reforms operate as governing tools and, as such, shape women's subjectivities. Engendering both discipline and resistance, they result in the emergence of new subjectivities that are not entirely determined by either ideology or by patriarchal structures.

[Care, nature and heritage: shared care practices and thinking]. / Soins, nature et patrimoine : pratiques et pensées d'un soin partagé.

Essentially based on the domination of nature, Western progress has proved as much a source of material comfort and increased life expectancy as it has been destructive and unequal. Ecological collapse and health challenges compel us to mobilize more holistic approaches to care, integrating patients and caregivers, nature and the environment as partners. As a shared function, care can be understood as a founding democratic principle.

Corporate Purpose Swings as a Social, Atheoretical Process: Will the Pendulum Break?

This article argues that conceptualising corporate purpose as a normative question which can be examined in isolation from its socio-historical context is inappropriate and ultimately futile. Corporate purpose is examined here as historically determined, a social fact, independently from whichever theoretical position might prevail in scholarly debates. Interestingly, corporate law doctrine pertinent to corporate purpose has remained mostly static but fairly open-ended. This has allowed purpose itself to oscillate between shareholder primacy and the balancing of stakeholder interests rather seamlessly as a socio-historical phenomenon. However, the article finds that, where it is used by private business organisation, corporate law has a limited capacity to accommodate purpose oscillations. Those are limited to merely one-dimensional movements representing corporate income distribution choices considered as socially legitimate each time. Using concepts such as Polanyi's 'double-movement' and Gramsci's 'passive revolution', the article argues that, for as long as social dynamics focused on wealth distribution, private corporate purpose had little difficulty in absorbing social critique and in finding a legitimacy basis for the private business corporation. However, more recently, critique has been shifting away from merely distributional trepidations and towards other non-economic concerns caused by economic growth per se. These concerns add new dimensions for corporate purpose oscillations, which cannot be accommodated irrespective of how open-ended corporate law doctrine on purpose might be. The article concludes with an analysis of what this might entail for corporate law as a socially legitimate structure for private business.

Role of national regime ideology for predicting biodiversity outcomes.

The rapid decline of global biodiversity has engendered renewed debate about the social, economic, and political factors contributing to it. Specifically, there is little understanding of the role that political ideology within a country (e.g., nationalism, conservatism, socialism) plays in determining biodiversity outcomes. We used negative binomial generalized linear models to investigate the importance of national regime ideology in predicting threatened animal species and protected area establishment compared with other factors that affect biodiversity outcomes, such as gross domestic product, inequality, and democracy. For threatened animals, the model with the highest Akaike weight suggested adverse biodiversity outcomes arose from larger gross domestic product (ß = 0.120, p < 0.001). However, nationalism (ß = 0.371, p < 0.01) and socialism (ß = 0.293, p < 0.05) were also significantly associated with increased proportions of threatened species. For protected areas, the model with the highest Akaike weight suggested increases in democracy (ß = 0.880, p < 0.001) led to a rise in relative protected area estate. Conservative regime ideology was also associated with greater protected area estate, although this did not increase the weight of evidence in support of the best models. These findings highlight the relevance of political ideology for predicting biodiversity outcomes at a national scale and illustrate opportunities to tailor policies and advocacy to promote biodiversity conservation more effectively. By targeting appropriate messaging and political advocacy, conservationists can improve the likelihood that politicians and their nations will participate in positive biodiversity actions.

El papel de la ideología del régimen nacional para la predicción de resultados de biodiversidad Resumen El rápido declive de la biodiversidad mundial ha suscitado un renovado debate sobre los factores sociales, económicos y políticos que contribuyen a él. En concreto, se conoce poco el papel que desempeña la ideología política dentro de un país (por ejemplo, el nacionalismo, el conservadurismo o el socialismo) a la hora de determinar los resultados en materia de biodiversidad. Utilizamos modelos lineales generalizados binomiales negativos para investigar la importancia de la ideología del régimen nacional a la hora de predecir las especies animales amenazadas y el establecimiento de áreas protegidas en comparación con otros factores que afectan a los resultados de la biodiversidad, como el producto interno bruto, la desigualdad y la democracia. En el caso de los animales amenazados, el modelo con la mayor ponderación de Akaike sugirió que los resultados adversos para la biodiversidad se debían a un mayor producto interno bruto (ß = 0,120, p < 0,001). Sin embargo, el nacionalismo (ß = 0,371, p < 0,01) y el socialismo (ß = 0,293, p < 0,05) también se asociaron significativamente con una mayor proporción de especies amenazadas. En el caso de las áreas protegidas, el modelo con la mayor ponderación de Akaike sugirió que el aumento de la democracia (ß = 0,880, p < 0,001) conducía a un aumento de la extensión relativa de las áreas protegidas. La ideología conservadora del régimen también se asoció con una mayor superficie de áreas protegidas, aunque no aumentó el peso de la evidencia en apoyo de los mejores modelos. Estos resultados resaltan la importancia de la ideología política para predecir los resultados de la biodiversidad a escala nacional e ilustran las oportunidades de adaptar las políticas y la defensa para promover la conservación de la biodiversidad de manera más eficaz. Si se orientan los mensajes y la promoción política de forma adecuada, los conservacionistas pueden mejorar la probabilidad de que los políticos y sus naciones participen en acciones positivas para la biodiversidad.

Culture and political regimes: How have they influenced the effectiveness of COVID-19 response policy?

This study investigates the efficacy of national emergency response policies in addressing the COVID-19 pandemic and their interactions with cultural and political factors. Employing the synthetic control method, we analyze data from countries on five continents that implemented such policies in early 2020. Our results indicate the overall effectiveness of these policies in mitigating the impact of COVID-19 yet reveal significant variability in their outcomes among countries. Notably, we identify a negative association between policy effectiveness and a culture characterized by individualism. Additionally, we observe that the impact of COVID-19 response measures is more prominent in countries with lower levels of democracy. These findings offer valuable insights into the intricate interplay between COVID-19 response policies, cultural dynamics, and political regimes, with potential implications for future policy decisions and research endeavors.

Pursuit-worthy research in health: Three examples and a suggestion.

This paper, in a nutshell, is a plea for community participation in research along with an adapted idea for how such participation should be shaped and understood. I will give varied examples of the ways in which scientists viewing a perceived problem solely from an external perspective has led to mistakes. If we do not properly take into account the knowledge and values of people with a condition, we are liable to pursue the wrong sorts of treatments. In particular, I provide examples of three ways (exemplified in the cases of "female hysteria", autism, and chronic fatigue syndrome) scientists are liable to pursue treatment of what they perceive to be at least partially mental illnesses that they/we shouldn't. I present the idea of deliberative research-the concept is based on that of deliberative democracy. The idea of deliberative democracy is that decisions should be made on the basis of reasons that would be acceptable to the target population. I similarly argue that research decisions should be made on the basis of reasons that would be acceptable to the target population, even if it requires other experts to determine how those reasons are best to be respected in the context of a particular project.

Seen but not partisan: Changing expectations of public servants in Westminster systems.

Much has been written about the changing role of unelected public servants in Westminster systems of government and their relationship with elected officials and the public. However, there are no studies comparing how these three groups perceive the role, and what they expect from public servants. This article provides the findings from three surveys of public servants, politicians and the public in Canada to assess how they view the role of the public servant and how this compares to different conceptions in the academic literature. The study finds that all three groups support the principles of ministerial responsibility and non-partisanship but do not believe that public servants should be anonymous and free from public scrutiny. This raises the question of whether some aspects of the traditional public servant role can be altered while keeping others in place and suggests that advocates for altering the role of the public servant will be most successful if they focus on certain aspects while preserving others. Points for Practitioners: The principles of ministerial responsibility and public service non-partisanship are supported by the public, politicians, and public servants themselves.There is a desire among these three groups for public servants to become less anonymous, face more public scrutiny and engage more with external actors.The public and politicians' expectations surrounding public servants' political activities are still unclear, although a large majority of public servants believe they can be politically active outside of work.

Introducing the Democratic Electoral Systems data, 1919-1945.

This data note introduces an update to the widely-used Democratic Electoral Systems (DES) data that encompasses the period from 1919 to 1945. The data include 243 legislative lower house and presidential elections in 34 interwar democracies. Information on these elections falls into four categories: first and foremost, DES contains variables that capture the institutional rules that define how elections are organized. Second, the data captures the consequences of electoral rules in the form of summary statistics of electoral outcomes. Third, we include democracy classifications for four major democracy datasets so that users can choose their preferred democracy definition when working with the data. Finally, the DES dataset contains multiple identification variables that allow linking the DES data to a wide variety of other datasets. This update to the DES data is fully compatible with prior releases for the post-war period 1- 3.

We provide information on electoral rules between 1919 and 1945. We focus on parliamentary and presidential elections in democracies. We collect information on these rules in a dataset of 243 elections. Many rules exist. Some describe how many members a parliament has. Others determine where politicians are elected. Again others decide how individual votes a party needs to get a seat. We also describe the consequences of elections, for example, how many parties make it into parliament. There are different ways to think about what democracy is. Our dataset uses four different approaches to determine whether or not a country is a democracy so users can decide which elections to consider democratic. Our data can also be linked to many other data sources.

Biosafety, biosecurity, and bioethics.

The COVID-19 pandemic has highlighted the importance of biosafety in the biomedical sciences. While it is often assumed that biosafety is a purely technical matter that has little to do with philosophy or the humanities, biosafety raises important ethical issues that have not been adequately examined in the scientific or bioethics literature. This article reviews some pivotal events in the history of biosafety and biosecurity and explores three different biosafety topics that generate significant ethical concerns, i.e., risk assessment, risk management, and risk distribution. The article also discusses the role of democratic governance in the oversight of biosafety and offers some suggestions for incorporating bioethics into biosafety practice, education, and policy.

[Balancing drug regulation and health democracy: The role of patient and healthcare professional advisors at the ANSM]. / Concilier régulation du médicament et démocratie sanitaire : rôle des conseillers patient ou professionnel de santé à l'ANSM.

The French National Agency for Health Products (ANSM) is a regulatory and public health agency. Its regulatory, health policing and public health protection activities require a perfect fit with the field and the various people involved in the use of health products. Since 2019, the ANSM has adapted its organisation, procedures and processes to encourage and improve interaction with its stakeholders, as part of its policy of openness towards civil society. To accompany this ambitious change and to support its staff, the Agency has recruited advisors corresponding to the main users of health products: prescribers (doctor's hospital and outpatient), pharmacists and patients. Working as a group or individually, they provide a "lived" user perspective on health products at each stage of the evaluation process. They may be involved in the assessment of dossiers, signals or applications received by the Agency, in the internal validation of reports or in discussions with stakeholders. They are particularly involved when the analysis requires expertise that goes beyond the technical, scientific or regulatory aspects. They may also work with ANSM staff to explain certain processes and difficulties in the field. Advisors help to ensure that regulatory and/or scientific expertise is clear and consistent with user experience. In addition to their scientific and therapeutic aspects, medicines are also economic, social and political issues. Their regulation is therefore particularly affected by the need for health democracy. This requires the active participation of health professionals, patients and, more broadly, civil society in the decision-making process. Civil society is a space occupied by a wide range of actors who exert pressure from different ideological positions to influence the regulation of health products. In this context, taking into account a plurality of viewpoints in the regulation of health products is necessary and complex, but its operation can be facilitated by the collective efforts of the actors and the adaptation of organisations, such as the integration of advisors.

The revolution next door.

This paper explores the cascading influence of revolutionary moments on democracy and inequality, not at home, but across borders. We use data on revolutions and other social upheavals over the past 120 years and examine their cross-national impact on a range of variables in neighboring countries. Engaging with debates on whether substantial democracy and equality increases require extraordinary circumstances, our research investigates whether revolutionary activities induce consequential spillovers, such as policy concessions from elites in neighboring contexts. In exploring spillover effects, the paper examines how significant events in one nation influence social life in adjacent ones. It encompasses an analysis of 171 countries over two centuries, connecting data on revolution with democracy and equality metrics, and hypothesizing that elite fear of revolutionary contagion may necessitate democracy and equality concessions to mitigate potential uprisings. Findings suggest neighboring revolutions positively impact domestic democracy and equality levels. We observe significant increases in an index of democracy and two indices of economic egalitarianism, although one of the egalitarianism measures is robust to all model specifications. Additionally, we find that isolated "protest-led ousters" can moderately increase suffrage and one of our indices of egalitarianism, while coups do not seem to impact democracy or inequality variables. By examining various upheaval types and outcomes across time and space, the study illuminates the causal relationship between global mobilizations and local changes, providing insights into how global events inform domestic outcomes.

Israel's civil society 2023 from protest to aid provision - a serving elite perspective.

The year 2023 in Israel started with illiberal constitutional change efforts by the new right-wing government and concluded with a brutal attack by Hamas terrorists and the subsequent war. Both occurrences galvanized two massive surges of civil society activism. The first was a mass protest that impeded the government's undemocratic legislation. The second was a large-scale mobilization to support a variety of populations affected by the war, providing services and goods that supplanted the failed governmental crisis response. Using a Serving Elite perspective and elaborating on this concept in the Israeli context, the paper analyzes the organizations that transitioned overnight from protest to service delivery. While these are two known roles played by civil society in general, such a transition from protest to support within the same organization is unusual, if at all existent. The paper analyses nineteen (19) in-depth interviews with leaders of 10 prominent organizations active in the protest and the aid phases. It explores their participants, forms of organizing, activities, ideologies, and interconnections, particularly emphasizing the transition. Thematic analysis of the interviews revealed the emergence of a new Serving Elite in the making, liberal in orientation, and developed during the crises. This perspective provides an opportunity to highlight processes deeply embedded in Israel's social, political, and cultural landscapes, changing elites and power relations, and Israel's culture of entrepreneurship. It also provides a framework for analyses of serving elites in other countries.

A Hexagonal Aim as a Driver of Change for Health Care and Health Insurance Systems.

Policy Points Improving health systems requires simultaneous pursuit of a patient centered approach aligned with the health professional: improving the experience of care, improving the health of populations, reducing per capita costs of care - Triple Aim - and improving the work life of the care providers - Quadruple Aim -. Reinforcing the recently defined Fifth Aim as equity through "health democracy" to represent the wants, needs and responsibility of the population in taking care of their health and their healthcare. Adding a Sixth Aim to take into account the increased health risks due to climate change. CONTEXT: Improving health systems, such as the U.S. or French, requires simultaneous pursuit of a patient centered approach aligned with the health professional: improving the experience of care, improving the health of populations, reducing per capita costs of care - Triple Aim - and improving the work life of the care providers, including clinicians and staff - Quadruple Aim -. While these aims are already ambitious, they may be insufficient when considering the economic, social and environmental challenges to the health of our communities in the near and long term. METHODS: A conceptual framework to provide additional ethical guardrails for health systems. RESULTS: Recently, authors have articulated a Fifth Aim and we propose to add a Sixth Aim to the Quadruple Aim model. These additional aims are meant to account for our growing knowledge around the determinants of health and the challenging processes and structures of governance across a wide range of sectors in society including healthcare. We are strengthening the Fifth Aim defined as equity through "health democracy" to represent the wants, needs and responsibility of the population in taking care of their health and their healthcare. The Sixth Aim is to account for the increase in risk to population health due to climate change as well as the impact our health systems have on the environment. CONCLUSIONS: As social tension and environmental changes seem to continue to impact the structure of our society this "Hexagonal Aim" taken together might provide additional ethical guiderails as we set our healthcare goals.

Global Political Logics and Mainstream Discourses on Illness in the Declarations of the State of Exception in the Context of the Covid-19 Pandemic: The Case of the USA, France, and Spain.

At the outbreak of the Covid-19 pandemic, several countries declared "states of exception," that is, authorized legal devices that, in the face of circumstances deemed catastrophic, permit the implementation of extraordinary measures and the temporary suspension of some rights in order to restore the previous state of affairs as soon as possible. This paper offers a comparative textual analysis of the different states of exception declared in the USA, France, and Spain. I argue that these texts constitute a privileged site to explore how prevalent global political logics and mainstream discourses on illness are interwoven. Regarding the global political logics in play, I hold that these declarations constitute an instantiation of democracy's autoimmune character; it attacks itself in order to protect itself. Regarding mainstream discourses on illness, I explore how illness is regarded as a threat to one's self (by something seemingly other) and the notion that therapy must consist of securing the self's triumph over anything seemingly other. This twofold analysis reveals that an aporetic dialectic between self and other-as regards politics and illness-operates in these declarations, most likely because it is, in fact, one and the same dialectic, upon which Western epistemology rests. Furthermore, I suggest that these texts reflect and promote these dominant logics, contributing to shape human relationships around the globe in a certain dangerous way.

Urban trees as a lever for citizen engagement in public consultation processes: the case of Paris, France.

In the present context of increasing human population demography, worldwide social crises, and rapid ecological global change, large cities are facing major socio-environmental challenges. This convokes authorities to adapt their governance and urban planning to reconcile urban development, ecological systems, and city dwellers in the most sustainable way. To achieve such goals, local officials have to associate all local actors, including city-dwellers, to the decision-making process through participatory governance and/or participatory systems. Here, we elaborated an original pilot project governance system for a "Participatory System Combining Town Planning and Science" (the 2PS-CiTy), as part of the revision of the Local Urban Plan (LUP) of Paris, France, into a Bioclimatic LUP held from 2020 to 2024. By implementing 2PS-CiTy, we aimed to answer "How to turn trees into a lever for inhabitants' engagement in urban consultation systems?" Trees were chosen because they are emblematic elements of nature with significant roles in ecosystemic services such as urban climate regulation. Parisians were invited to (i) share in the first questionnaire some information on their knowledge about the LUP and their engagement in it, (ii) identify urban trees they consider remarkable, (iii) explain their choice in a second questionnaire, (iv) contribute to the urban consultation as part of the LUP revision, and finally, (v) give their feedback during a dedicated survey. Out of the 41 Parisians who took part in 2PS-City, 83% declared they were motivated to participate because they could contribute to the tree census, which in turn can constructively contribute to the Parisian LUP revision to bring more nature and sustainability in town. This study demonstrates that trees can be used as a lever for inhabitants' engagement in urban consultation systems to make cities more sustainable. Our survey also showed that the 2PS-CiTy governance system could be improved by (1) developing a participatory culture among decision-makers and (2) preventing nowadays silo governance from developing the most promising public governance systems that involve the departments of green space, urban planning, and local democracy.

Exploring perceived challenges, adoption, and assessment of Western values of democracy and human rights in Palestine in the 2023 War on Gaza.

This study delved into the dynamics of perceived challenges, adoption, and assessment of Western values of democracy and human rights among university students in Palestine, particularly in the aftermath of the 2023 War on Gaza. A mixed-methods strategy was used in the research, with a participant pool of 384 students representing a range of demographics. By exploring the impact of geopolitical events, the results revealed a positive link between perceived challenges and the assessment of Western values. Although there is a notable gender and geographic difference in the assessment and adoption of Western values, females and those living in cities and villages are shown to have greater perceived challenges with these values. The qualitative component, including interviews with 12 students, provided valuable insights into the postwar evolution of Palestinian perspectives, highlighting a notable shift in attitudes, initially characterized by belief in the superiority of Western values, followed by a decline in faith during the war. This decline is attributed to traumatic events, biased media narratives, and the contradiction between idealized standards and harsh realities. In conclusion, the study emphasizes the need for a comprehensive understanding of the multifaceted influences on Palestinian perceptions of Western values.

Rejection of the status quo: Conspiracy theories and preference for alternative political systems.

Conspiracy theories introduce a democratic paradox, as belief in conspiracy theories predicts support for both democratic and non-democratic political systems. In this article, we explore whether democratic and anti-democratic attitudes, resulting from conspiracy beliefs, can be mutually exclusive. In Study 1 (United Kingdom, N = 293), we show that belief in conspiracy theories is associated with decreased support for representative democracy, and increased support for direct democracy, anarchism, and autocracy within the same individuals. In Study 2 (United States, N = 302, pre-registered), we experimentally show that the perceived presence of conspiracies is linked to an increased preference for direct democracy, anarchism, and autocracy and decreased support for representative democracy. Mediational analyses suggest that widespread dissatisfaction with the status quo and, less consistently, feelings of political cynicism mediate the relationships between conspiracy beliefs and (anti-)democratic attitudes. In Study 3 (United States, N = 400, pre-registered), we experimentally manipulate (dis)satisfaction with the status quo. Results indicate that rejecting the status quo increases support for direct democracy, anarchism, and autocracy and decreases support for representative democracy. Overall, our findings suggest that people who believe in conspiracy theories tend to favour both democratic and anti-democratic political alternatives, largely attributed to citizens' desire to change the status quo.

Public discourse and wilful incommensurability: a case for attentive free speech.

Many thinkers lament the decline of liberal democracy. Some argue that, to rejuvenate it, we must think big. Thinking big involves generating new ideas about how to achieve an unprecedented level of social transformation aimed at cultivating solidarity, empowering citizen efficacy, and promoting the common good. We propose that fundamental to such a transformation must be a radical change in how people speak to one another. To this end, the primary objective of this paper is to offer a framework for understanding how speech currently erodes democratic engagement. The central idea is that much of speech today both reflects and perpetuates a culture of wilful incommensurability. The core features of this culture are totalizing safetyism, expressive safetyism, dismissive intransigence, and polarized alienation, all of which have been worsened by the current trajectory of social media. The result is that people are increasingly prone to engage in degraded free speech, which is characterized by a pervasive aversion to reach out, identify points of unity, benefit from diverse perspectives, and discover truth in all its potential complexity. In view of this diagnosis and the response of those who advocate for freedom of speech, a second objective of this paper is to introduce the concept of attentive free speech. Attentive free speech has similarities with civil discourse but is specifically characterized by discernment and thoughtfulness and is imbued with key dispositions such as courage, reverence, and love. We end by inviting future research into how such speech can promote the social and spiritual health of the public sphere and freedom itself at a practical level.

Establishing veritocracy: Society, truth and science.

In the west, truth is being eroded by post-modernist ideas such as alternative facts. Once truth is no longer valued it is a short route through nationalistic populism to fascism. To combat this we need to establish the idea of 'veritocracy' as a form of government. A veritocracy is a democracy in which truth is so highly valued that promising to tell the truth will become a central feature of politicians' election manifestos feeding back the idea of veritocracy deeper into national culture. A proper understanding of the nature of science can support the idea of veritocracy. This proper understanding will not repeat the mythology of post-World War II philosophy and history of science, but will begin with the much more socially cognisant revolution in our understanding of science that began in the 1960s and 1970s. Nevertheless, a 'wave three' of science studies will justify science, not as a certainty-maker for policy, but as the way to bet in developing the best understanding of the observable world. The key is that science depends on moral truth in its attempts to develop correspondence truth. Science, like the law, should be a 'check and balance' in pluralist democracies and an object lesson in how to pursue truth in decision-making.