A democracy built on communicative action: Bahá'í political practice as a prefigurative resource for institutional effectiveness, accountability, and inclusivity.

Goal 16 of the UN sustainable development goals, which calls on the global community to "build effective, accountable and inclusive institutions at all levels," can be conceptualized as aiming at fostering communicative action, a concept developed by Jürgen Habermas to describe a mode for coordinating society grounded in deliberation. However, Habermas simultaneously provides an account of the structural transformation of the public sphere that suggests a hard limit on the capacity of mainstream capitalist liberal democracies to foster genuine communicative action in the relationships between institutions, individuals and communities. This paper therefore argues for the critical role of prefigurative politics, in which communities strive to internally embody desired socio-political forms rather than focusing on changing the wider socio-political order, as a vital resource for generating examples to inform institutional progress. The prefigurative example of the Baha'i community demonstrates norms and practices that may illustrate a path out of the dynamic Habermas identifies of system colonizing lifeworld, by fostering and protecting communicative action as the mode of social coordination. The form of communicative action found in the Baha'i community is situated in a context of a telic-organic model of relationships between individuals, communities and institutions. The paper contrasts the conceptual underpinnings of this model with individualistic conceptions of human nature that are argued to undermine liberal democracy's capacity for communicative action. At the core of communicative action within a Baha'i context is a distinctive model of deliberation, known within the community as "consultation". The paper argues that rational-critical consultation can offer a vital nuance to Habermas' ideal of communicative action as rational-critical debate in the public sphere. The formal democratic structures and processes of the Bahá'í community are also explored as an institutional example that arguably meets the challenge of Goal 16. The paper concludes with initial reflections on a process by which the prefigurative example of a Baha'i model might be brought to bear on institutional performance in wider society.

Democratic Justifications for Patient Public Involvement and Engagement in Health Research: An Exploration of the Theoretical Debates and Practical Challenges.

The literature on patient public involvement and engagement (PPIE) in health research has grown significantly in the last decade, with a diverse range of definitions and topologies promulgated. This has led to disputes over what the central functions and purpose of PPIE in health research is, and this in turn makes it difficult to assess and evaluate PPIE in practice. This paper argues that the most important function of PPIE is the attempt to make health research more democratic. Bringing this function to the fore and locating PPIE in the wider context of changes in contemporary forms of democratic engagement provides greater conceptual clarity over what PPIE in research should be trying to achieve. Conceptualizing PPIE as a form of democratization has a number of benefits. First, theories of what are appropriate, normatively justifiable and workable criteria for PPIE practices can be developed, and this can provide tools to address the legitimacy and accountability questions that have troubled the PPIE community. Second, this work can be used to form the basis of a research agenda to investigate how PPIE in health research operates, and how it can facilitate and/or improve democratic processes in health research.

A comunicação dos Tribunais de Contas e Ministérios Públicos nas redes sociais: os desafios da accountability na democracia digital / Comunicación de los Tribunales de Cuentas y Ministerios Públicos en redes sociales: desafíos de la accountability en la democracia digital / The communication of Courts of Accounts and Prosecution Services on social media: the challenges of accountability in the digital democracy

Resumo Este artigo trata da comunicação que os Tribunais de Contas (TCs) e os Ministérios Públicos (MPs) brasileiros promovem nas redes sociais Facebook, Twitter e Instagram, desde a abertura de suas contas. Inova na discussão a respeito do controle democrático sobre a administração pública com foco na chamada "democracia digital", mostrando que os controladores também precisam se preocupar com a transparência e responsabilização nesses espaços. Tendo verificado que os TCs e os MPs mantêm departamentos profissionais de comunicação que operam intensamente nas redes sociais, com destaque para o TC da União (TCU) e o MP Federal (MPF) no Twitter, este trabalho analisa, de forma específica, o conteúdo da comunicação das duas instituições nessa rede, com a ajuda do software Iramuteq. Tanto o TCU como o MPF mantiveram intensa atividade de postagem de conteúdos diversos no Twitter, desde a abertura de suas contas e em momentos importantes da história política recente. A pergunta que orienta o trabalho é: ampliar os canais de comunicação significa necessariamente maior accountability? O que se constatou é que, ao se apresentar mais à sociedade pelos meios digitais, esses órgãos de controle não necessariamente responderam aos requisitos de responsabilização pública presentes na teoria democrática.

Resumen Este artículo trata de la comunicación que los Tribunales de Cuentas (TC) y los Ministerios Públicos (MP) brasileños promueven en las redes sociales Facebook, Twitter e Instagram, desde la apertura de sus cuentas. Innova en la discusión acerca de los controles democráticos sobre la administración pública en la llamada "democracia digital", mostrando que los controladores también deben preocuparse por su transparencia y rendición de cuentas. Habiendo comprobado que mantienen departamentos de comunicación profesional que operan intensamente en las redes sociales, con énfasis en el Tribunal de Cuentas de la Unión (TCU) y el Ministerio Público Federal (MPF) en Twitter, el artículo analiza específicamente el contenido de la comunicación entre las dos instituciones en esta red con la ayuda del software Iramuteq. Tanto el TCU como el MPF mantuvieron sus intensas actividades de publicación de contenidos varios en Twitter desde la apertura de sus cuentas y en momentos importantes de la historia política reciente. La pregunta que guía el trabajo es: ¿expandir los canales de comunicación significa necesariamente una mayor accountability? Lo que se encontró es que, al presentarse más a la sociedad a través de los medios digitales, estos organismos de control no respondían necesariamente a los requerimientos de rendición pública de cuentas presentes en la teoría democrática.

Abstract This article deals with the communication of Brazilian Courts of Accounts and Prosecution Services on social media platforms Facebook, Twitter, and Instagram, since the opening of their accounts. The study innovates in the discussion about democratic controls over public administration in the so-called "digital democracy," focusing on institutional communication of Courts of Accounts and Prosecution Services, showing that controllers also need to be concerned about their transparency and accountability. Having verified that they maintain professional communication departments that operate intensively on social media, with emphasis on the Federal Court of Accounts (TCU) and the Federal Prosecution Service (MPF) on Twitter, the article specifically analyzes the content of the two institutions' communication in this platform by using the Iramuteq software. Both TCU and MPF kept posting a variety of content on Twitter since first opening their accounts and at important moments in recent political history. The research question addressed was: Does expanding communication channels necessarily mean greater accountability? The study found that these institutions, when communicating with society on social media, did not necessarily respond to the public accountability requirements that democratic theory implies.

The Need for an EU Expulsion Mechanism: Democratic Backsliding and the Failure of Article 7.

What should the EU do about the fact that some Member States are backsliding on their commitments to democracy, supposedly a fundamental value of the EU? The Treaty provisions under Article 7 TEU are widely criticized for being ineffective in preventing such developments. Are they legitimate? I argue that the ultimate sanction of Article 7 TEU falls into a performative contradiction, which undermines its ability to coherently defend fundamental values. Instead, expulsion from the EU is the appropriate, coherent and legitimate final political sanction for democratic and rule of law backsliding by a Member State. The argument has the following steps: In Part 1, I argue that the current Article 7 framework for responding to democratic and rule of law backsliding in the EU is normatively problematic, in that the mechanism currently in the Treaty undermines the values it purports to defend; in other words, it falls into a performative contradiction. It is undemocratic to deprive Member States of their right to vote in the Council while holding them subject to Council decisions. However, Part 2 studies relevant philosophical arguments from an adjacent literature on criminal disenfranchisement, concluding that allowing backsliding Member States to keep their voting rights in the Council also taints the democratic character of Council decision-making. In Part 3, I consider the resulting paradox in light of the literature on militant democracy. Could militant democracy justify Article 7? I argue not; even if we accept the hypothetical justifiability of militant measures, they are not legitimate here since a democratically acceptable alternative exists that would safeguard the democratic character and legitimacy of Council decision-making: expulsion from the Union. I also address a central objection to an expulsion mechanism-that it would require treaty change and is therefore practically impossible.

Introduction: Perspectives on Democracy.

This article explores diverse views on both the current challenges and limits as well as the reforms and innovations of existing democracies at the beginning of the twenty-first century. First, it argues that socioeconomic inequality, new populism, new forms of communication, and globalization have stimulated a renewal of interest in analyzing the "frontiers of democracy." Democracies have reacted with different innovations and reforms in order to meet these challenges. The authors trace the phases of respective research from studies on singular, standalone instances to normative as well as empirical work on participatory (direct democratic and deliberative) systems. Finally, they advocate for combining the conceptual approach of defining democracy by the fulfillment of democratic values with rigorous empirical evaluation of the contributions (old and new) that institutions and procedures provide in order to fulfill these values and meet the mentioned challenges.

Reflections on local participatory democracy in Latin America / Reflexiones sobre democracia participativa en América Latina / Reflexões sobre democracia participativa na América Latina

Abstract This work presents reflections on the field of participatory democracy in Latin America, based on the analysis of the experiences of Cotacachi in Ecuador, and Torres in Venezuela, which are examples of great popular participation at the local level. The study proposes to interpret the experiences from a Latin American point of view, considering the singularities of each municipality analyzed. The aim is to identify which factors contribute to the emergence and consolidation of mechanisms of participation in the public policy decision-making process. In order to approximate the democratic theory of the context of Latin America, the study presents an analysis structured in two relevant concepts for the theory: agency and public space. These concepts were essential to identify which factors allowed the creation and consolidation of practices of participatory democracy at the local level. The analysis of the experiences resulted in a list of seven factors that were fundamental for their advancement and diffusion, factors that may represent important guidelines for the development of new democratic practices in countries of the region. Finally, the study present some reflections on the challenges that must be overcome to expand the local power and popular participation in Latin America.

Resumen Presentamos en este artículo las reflexiones desarrolladas en el campo de la democracia participativa en América Latina a partir del análisis de dos experiencias de participación popular en el ámbito local. Nuestro objetivo es hacer una relectura de esas experiencias a partir de una perspectiva teórica latinoamericana, que considere sus singularidades. Pretendemos, con eso, identificar qué factores contribuyeron a la emergencia y consolidación de los mecanismos de participación en los procesos de toma de decisión sobre políticas públicas. Buscando revisar la teoría democrática, para aproximarla a la realidad latinoamericana, construimos un análisis estructurado en dos conceptos caros a la teoría democrática: agencia y espacio público. Basados en los dos conceptos, buscamos identificar cuáles son los factores que permitirán la creación y consolidación de prácticas de democracia participativa local. Analizando las experiencias de Cotacachi, Ecuador, y Torres, Venezuela, identificamos siete elementos fundamentales que, a partir de nuestra perspectiva, son directrices para el desarrollo de nuevas prácticas democráticas en países latinoamericanos. Por ende, presentamos algunas reflexiones sobre los retos para la ampliación del poder local e de la participación popular en Nuestra América.

Resumo Apresentamos neste trabalho as reflexões desenvolvidas no campo da democracia participativa na América Latina a partir da análise de duas experiências que permitiram uma maior participação popular no âmbito local. Nosso objetivo é fazer uma releitura dessas experiências a partir de uma perspectiva teórica latino-americana, que considere suas singularidades. Pretendemos, dessa forma, identificar quais fatores contribuíram para a emergência e consolidação dos mecanismos de participação nos processos de tomada de decisão sobre políticas públicas. Buscando revisar a teoria democrática, de forma a aproximá-la da realidade latino-americana, construímos uma análise estruturada em dois conceitos caros à teoria democrática: agência e espaço público. Baseados nesses conceitos, buscamos identificar os fatores que permitiram a criação e a consolidação de práticas de democracia participativa local. Analisando as experiências de Cotacachi, no Equador, e Torres, na Venezuela, elencamos sete fatores que consideramos fundamentais para o avanço e difusão das duas experiências, podendo estes representar importantes diretrizes para o desenvolvimento de novas práticas democratizantes nos países latino-americanos. Por fim, trazemos algumas reflexões sobre desafios relevantes que devem ser considerados para a ampliação do poder local e da participação popular em Nuestra América.

Introduction: priority setting, equitable access and public involvement in health care.

Purpose - The purpose of this paper is to introduce the special issue on improving equitable access to health care through increased public and patient involvement (PPI) in prioritization decisions by discussing the conceptualization, scope and rationales of PPI in priority setting that inform the special issue. Design/methodology/approach - The paper employs a mixed-methods approach in that it provides a literature review and a conceptual discussion of the common themes emerging in the field of PPI and health priority setting. Findings - The special issue focuses on public participation that is collective in character, in the sense that the participation relates to a social, not personal, decision and is relevant to whole groups of people and not single individuals. It is aimed at influencing a decision on public policy or legal rules. The rationales for public participation can be found in democratic theory, especially as they relate to the social and political values of legitimacy and representation. Originality/value - The paper builds on previous definitions of public participation by underlining its collective character. In doing so, it develops the work by Parry, Moyser and Day by arguing that, in light of the empirical evidence presented in this issue, public participatory activities such as protests and demonstrations should no longer be labelled unconventional, but should instead be labelled as "contestatory participation". This is to better reflect a situation in which these modes of participation have become more conventional in many parts of the world.

A demofobia na democracia moderna / Demophobia in modern democracy / La démophobie dans la démocratie moderne

This article aims to demonstrate the existence of demophobic principles in the theory of modern democracy. Liberal theoretical propositions decreed the subsumption of the demos in the government of all, reduction of the presence of the masses in politics, the exteriority of their modes of organization, and rationalization of administration of "the many". The study focuses on liberal thinkers from the late 18th to the early 20th centuries, but is not limited to them. The result is the enunciation of a political oxymoron (demophobic democracy), which also appears as an epistemological obstacle to democratic experimentation.

Dans cet article, on cherche à montrer l'existence de principes de démophobie dans la théorie de la démocratie moderne. On observe que des propositions théoriques libérales ont tranché sur le fait de subsumer le demos dans le gouvernement de tous, la restriction de la présence des masses dans le politique, l'extériorité des modes d'organisation et la rationalisation de la gestion du "grand nombre". On souligne que cette étude ne concerne que des penseurs libéraux influents de la fin du XVIIIe au début du XXe siècle, mais sans s'attarder sur eux. Le résultat est l'énoncé d'un oxymoron politique (la démocratie démophobique), qui apparaít aussi comme un obstacle épistémologique à l'expérimentation démocratique.