Enhancing Monitoring Performance: A Microservices Approach to Monitoring with Spyware Techniques and Prediction Models.

In today's digital landscape, organizations face significant challenges, including sensitive data leaks and the proliferation of hate speech, both of which can lead to severe consequences such as financial losses, reputational damage, and psychological impacts on employees. This work considers a comprehensive solution using a microservices architecture to monitor computer usage within organizations effectively. The approach incorporates spyware techniques to capture data from employee computers and a web application for alert management. The system detects data leaks, suspicious behaviors, and hate speech through efficient data capture and predictive modeling. Therefore, this paper presents a comparative performance analysis between Spring Boot and Quarkus, focusing on objective metrics and quantitative statistics. By utilizing recognized tools and benchmarks in the computer science community, the study provides an in-depth understanding of the performance differences between these two platforms. The implementation of Quarkus over Spring Boot demonstrated substantial improvements: memory usage was reduced by up to 80% and CPU usage by 95%, and system uptime decreased by 119%. This solution offers a robust framework for enhancing organizational security and mitigating potential threats through proactive monitoring and predictive analysis while also guiding developers and software architects in making informed technological choices.

Os Discursos de Ódio na Contemporaneidade: Da Face Subjetiva à Face Política / Hate Speeches in Contemporaneity: From the Subjective to the Political Aspects / Los Discursos de Odio en la Contemporaneidad: De la Vista Subjetiva a la Vista Política

O presente artigo propõe apresentar algumas contribuições da psicanálise para entender os aspectos subjetivos e políticos presentes no ódio. No atual contexto sociopolítico brasileiro este afeto tem figurado enquanto discurso predominante e espaços como as redes sociais digitais têm se tornado cada vez mais um campo fértil para a sua propagação e legitimação, sendo por vezes sustentado e fomentado pelo aparato institucional público. Esta pesquisa teve como ponto de partida a releitura e reflexão crítica dos textos freudianos, como os que trazem os conceitos de identificação e narcisismo, centrais para entender o que mobiliza e potencializa a incidência deste afeto bem como seus efeitos na contemporaneidade. Neste percurso foi constatado que o ódio comparece sempre na relação com o outro a partir da intolerância a alguma diferença que representa uma ameaça às ilusões narcísicas do sujeito. Embora seja considerado um afeto constitutivo do ser humano, é também um fenômeno cultural, social e político, podendo tornar-se potencialmente destrutivo para a humanidade quando o objetivo se torna segregar pessoas e grupos a fim de se eliminar as diferenças.

This article presents some contributions of psychoanalysis to understand the subjective and political aspects of hatred. In the current Brazilian sociopolitical context, hatred has figured as a predominant discourse, thus, spaces like digital social networks have become a fertile field for its propagation and legitimation, sometimes with the support and instigation of the public institutional apparatus. This study has as its starting point the critical reflection of Freudian texts that address concepts of identification and narcissism, central to understanding what mobilizes and enhances the incidence of this emotion, as well as its effects in contemporary times. In this analysis, it was found that hatred always appears in relationships based on intolerance to differences that might represent a threat to the subject's narcissistic illusions. Although it is considered a constitutive emotion of the human being, hatred is also a cultural, social and political phenomenon, and can become potentially destructive for humanity if used to segregate people and groups in order to eliminate differences.

Este artículo se propone presentar algunos aportes del psicoanálisis para comprender los aspectos subjetivos y políticos presentes en el odio. En el contexto sociopolítico brasileño actual, este afecto ha figurado como un discurso predominante y espacios, como las redes sociales digitales, se han convertido cada vez más en un campo fértil para su propagación y legitimación, siendo a veces apoyado y fomentado por el aparato institucional público. Esta investigación tuvo como punto de partida la relectura y reflexión crítica de textos freudianos, como aquellos que traen los conceptos de identificación y narcisismo, centrales para comprender lo que moviliza y potencia la incidencia de este afecto, así como sus efectos en la contemporaneidad. En ese camino, se constató que el odio siempre aparece en la relación con el otro a partir de la intolerancia a alguna diferencia que representa una amenaza para las ilusiones narcisistas del sujeto. Aunque se considera un afecto constitutivo del ser humano, también es un fenómeno cultural, social y político, y puede volverse potencialmente destructivo para la humanidad cuando el objetivo pasa a ser segregar personas y grupos para eliminar las diferencias.

Discursividades pós-modernas: leitura do fenômeno social da polarização / Une lecture du phénomène social de polarisation par l'analyse des discours postmodernes / Postmodern discourses: reading the social phenomenon of polarization

O crescimento da discursividade social acerca de fenômenos como o feminicídio, a violência machista, racista, homofóbica e religiosa, além da hostilidade crescente de alguns grupos identitários ao valores conservadores da sociedade ocidental judaico-cristã, indicam que uma cultura do ódio floresceu no laço social polarizado. Os afetos de amor e ódio se apresentam no início da constituição do sujeito em estado de desligamento, mas se fundem quando prevalece o amor do Outro primordial ao infante desamparado. É a hegemonia do amor que promove a fusão pulsional. Se a civilização triunfa, se o Outro primordial alcança impor o predomínio do amor sobre o ódio, o sujeito se constitui graças ao recalque dos impulsos destrutivos e se torna capaz de alimentar a esperança no futuro, amar e trabalhar. Os afetos são o que existe de mais real na relação dos seres falantes ao Outro. Seja para amá-lo, seja para odiá-lo, seja para ignorá-lo, a existência do Outro simbólico é, para cada um, uma dimensão real em jogo no laço social. O Outro da modernidade é liberal, progressista e acredita que a igualdade de oportunidades cresce com o acesso universal à educação e à saúde. E o Outro da nossa pós-modernidade? É fragmentado, não há referências coletivas universais? É pessimista ou a esperança utópica se tornou inimiga darealidade?

La croissance de la discursivité sociale sur des phénomènes tels que le féminicide, la violence sexiste, raciste, homophobe et religieuse, en plus de l'hostilité croissante de certains groupes identitaires aux valeurs conservatrices de la société occidentale judéo-chrétienne, indiquent qu'une culture de la haine s'est diffusée dans le lien social polarisé. Les affects d'amour et de haine apparaissent au début de la constitution du sujet dans un état de détachement, mais se confondent lorsque l'amour de l'Autre primordial pour l'enfant sans défense l'emporte. C'est l'hégémonie de l'amour qui favorise la fusion pulsionnelle. Si la civilisation triomphe, si l'Autre primordial parvient à imposer la prédominance de l'amour sur la haine, le sujet se constitue grâce au refoulement des pulsions destructrices et devient capable de nourrir l'espoir en l'avenir, d'aimer et de travailler. Les affects sont ce qu'il y a de plus réel dans la relation entre les êtres parlants et l'Autre. Qu'on l'aime, qu'on le déteste ou qu'on l'ignore, l'existence de l'Autre symbolique est, pour chacun, une véritable dimension en jeu dans le lien social. L'Autre de la modernité est libéral, progressiste et croit que l'égalité des chances augmente avec l'accès universel à l'éducation et à la santé. Et qu'en est-il de l'Autre de notre postmodernité? Est-il fragmenté, n'y a-t-il pas de références collectives universelles? Est-il pessimiste? L'espoir utopique est-il devenu l'ennemi de la réalité?

The growth of social discursivity about phenomena such as feminicide, sexist, racist, homophobic and religious violence, in addition to the growing hostility of some identity groups towards the conservative values of Western Christian culture, indicate that a culture of hate has flourished in a progressively polarized social bond. The affections of love and hate appear at the beginning of the constitution of the subject in a state of detachment, but merge when the love of the primordial Other for the helpless infant prevails. It is the hegemony of love that promotes the fusion of the drive. If civilization triumphs, if the primordial Other manages to impose the predominance of love over hate, the subject is constituted thanks to the repression of destructive impulses and becomes capable of nourishing hope in the future, through love and work. Affections are what is most real in the relationship between talking beings and the Other. Whether to love it, to hate it, or to ignore it, the existence of the symbolic Other is, for each one, a real dimension at play in the social bond. The Other of modernity is liberal, progressive and believes that equal opportunities grow with universal access to education and health. What to say of the Other of our postmodernity? Is it fragmented, are there no universal collective references? Is it pessimistic? Has utopian hope become the enemy of reality?

Analysis of Progressive Muscle Relaxation on Psychophysiological Variables in Basketball Athletes.

The purpose of this study was to evaluate the effects of a progressive muscle relaxation program on psychological (stress levels, anxiety, and mood states) and physiological (blood pressure and heart rate) variables in basketball athletes. Fifty-nine basketball players, aged 14 to 19 years, and members of Bauru Basket team, were recruited for this study and grouped into control group (CG, n = 30) and intervention group (IG, n = 29). The participants were evaluated, before and after the intervention, by the following means: Competitive State Anxiety Inventory-2 (CSAI-2), to measure the pre-competitive anxiety state, i.e., how anxious each athlete felt just before the competition; Brunel Mood Scale (BRUMS), an instrument for early detection of overtraining syndrome; Recovery-Stress Questionnaire for Athletes (RESTQ-Sport), to identify the extent to which each athlete was physically or mentally stressed and the athlete's current capability for recovery; Athlete Burnout Questionnaire (ABQ), specifically developed for athletes. The IG athletes participated in 12 progressive muscle relaxation sessions, a practice for tensing or tightening a specific muscle until an ideal state of relaxation is reached. Each participant had blood pressure and heart rate measured before and after every session. The CG athletes were evaluated similarly to those in the IG but without relaxation. The results showed statistically significant differences in cognitive anxiety (p = 0.039) and specific stress (p = 0.016) between CG and IG before the intervention; in addition, a significant heart rate decrease (p < 0.01) between IG and CG was noted.

Contrahistorias: una propuesta a partir de la bioética narrativa para contrarrestar el discurso de odio

Propósito/Contexto. Este artículo propone las contrahistorias con base en la bioética narrativa como dispositivos para contrarrestar el discurso del odio. Metodología/Enfoque. Investigación cualitativa a partir de un paradigma hermenéutico y reflexivo, dividida en tres momentos metodológicos: revisión de la bioética narrativa, análisis del discurso de odio, establecimiento de una relación entre la bioética narrativa y el discurso del odio y proposición de contrahistorias como antídotos del discurso de odio. Resultados/Hallazgos. Paradójicamente, la bioética narrativa y el discurso de odio comparten una característica importante: ambos son conscientes del poder que las historias encarnan para los seres humanos; sin embargo, los dos usan esas historias de manera diametralmente opuesta, mientras la bioética narrativa defiende la dignidad y la justicia social, el discurso de odio ataca estos dos elementos. Discusión/Conclusiones/Contribuciones. La tercera onda de la bioética narrativa tiene el potencial de contrarrestar el discurso de odio a través de la creación de historias más allá de las historias que defiendan la dignidad y la justicia social, para esto es necesario educar y preparar a las personas para que no solo generen historias que persuadan, sino que sean politizadas y aboguen por la dignidad de los demás seres humanos.

Purpose/Context. This article proposes counter-stories, based on narrative bioethics, as devices to counteract hate speech. Methodology/Approach. Qualitative research based on a hermeneutical and reflective paradigm, divided into three methodological moments: review of narrative bioethics; hate speech analysis; establishment of a relationship between narrative bioethics and hate speech; proposition of counter-stories as antidotes to hate speech. Results/Findings. Paradoxically, narrative bioethics and hate speech share an important characteristic: they are both aware of the power that stories embody for human beings; however, the two use those stories in diametrically opposite ways: while narrative bioethics defends dignity and social justice, hate speech attacks these two elements. Discussion/Conclusions/Contributions. The third wave of narrative bioethics has the potential to counteract hate speech, through the creation of stories beyond stories, that defend dignity and social justice; for this, it is necessary to educate to prepare people who not only generate stories that persuade, but also are politicized and advocate for the dignity of other human beings.

Finalidade/Contexto. Este artigo propõe contra-estórias baseadas em bioética narrativa como dispositivos para combater o discurso do ódio. Metodologia/Aproximação. Pesquisa qualitativa baseada num paradigma hermenêutico e reflexivo, dividido em três momentos metodológicos: revisão da bioética narrativa, análise do discurso do ódio, estabelecimento de uma relação entre a bioética narrativa e o discurso do ódio, e proposta de contra-estórias como antídotos para o discurso do ódio. Resultados/Findings. Paradoxalmente, a bioética narrativa e o discurso do ódio partilham uma característica importante: ambos estão conscientes do poder que as histórias incorporam para os seres humanos; no entanto, os dois usam essas histórias de formas diametralmente opostas, enquanto a bioética narrativa defende a dignidade e a justiça social, o discurso do ódio ataca estes dois elementos. Discussão/Conclusões/Contribuições. A terceira onda de bioética narrativa tem o potencial de contrariar o discurso do ódio através da criação de histórias para além das histórias que defendem a dignidade e a justiça social, educando e preparando as pessoas não só para gerar histórias que persuadam, mas que sejam politizadas e defendam a dignidade de outros seres humanos.

Violent Extremism and Moral Disengagement: A Study of Colombian Armed Groups.

Violent extremism is commonly conditioned by a variety of psychological processes and mechanisms that when activated or deactivated aid implication in extreme behavior, including destructive actions with a large dose of cruelty against people and groups. One of those processes is moral disengagement, which was originally postulated by Bandura. To test this relationship, the present research focused on studying these mechanisms in members of Colombian illegal armed groups. Total sample size was 18 (14 males and four females) demobilized members of the Self-Defense Forces of Colombia (Autodefensas Unidas de Colombia [AUC]) and guerrilla organizations (Revolutionary Armed Forces of Colombia [FARC], National Liberation Army [ELN], among others), which had participated directly or indirectly in violent actions against people and groups, which included murders, tortures, and massacres. Qualitative methodology was used, specifically in-depth interviews and content analysis. This analysis led to the verification in the narratives of the participants of the use of all the mechanisms of moral disengagement described by Bandura aiming to justify their behavior within the armed group. The most noteworthy mechanisms were those that minimized participation (especially, attributing behavior to obeying orders: displacement of responsibility) and moral justification, especially, the context of confrontation. Moral disengagement processes are found in armed group members (such as insurgency, terrorist organizations, or militias). These mechanisms cancel ordinary psychological reactions of rejection, fear, and moral controls that oppose the carrying out of cruelty and extreme violence.

'The filthy people': Racism in digital spaces during Covid-19 in the context of South-South migration.

Notions of 'race' and disease are deeply imbricated across the globe. This article explores the historical, complex entanglements between 'race', disease, and dirtiness in the multicultural Chilean context of Covid-19. We conducted a quantitative content analysis and a discourse analysis of online readers' comments (n = 1233) in a digital news platform surrounding a controversial news event to examine Chileans' cultural representations of Haitian migrants and explore online racism and anti-immigrant discourse. Drawing on a decolonial approach, we argue that Covid-19 as a crisis has been fabricated at the expense of a constructed 'other'. We show how colonial racist logics not only endure in digital spaces, but are made viral in new ways by representing Haitian migrants as 'filthy' and 'disease carriers'. We identified two contemporary forms of racism - online cultural racism and online aggressive racism - through which people construct imaginaries of racial superiority in digital spaces.

Interpersonal Violence and Passing: Results from a Brazilian Trans-specific Cross-sectional Study.

Trans women are specifically vulnerable to interpersonal violence. Being perceived as the gender that a transgender person identifies with, defined in some contexts as passing, may influence violence ratings. The EVAS (Violence and Health Self-Evaluation) study was a cross-sectional study that enrolled 121 trans women between 2019 and 2020 in Rio de Janeiro, Brazil, aiming to investigate the association between self-reported passing and different types of interpersonal violence. We enrolled 121 participants who had a median age of 36.3 (interquartile range [IQR] 13.7). Most of them were Black/mixed (78.5%) and had at least a high school education (63%). Most participants considered themselves as trans women (71.9%). Their median monthly income was $252.50 (IQR $302.50). Only 40 (33.1%) trans women had a main partner. Trans women with high passing had a higher prevalence of family violence and lower prevalence of observed police violence, violence in open and closed public spaces. Participants that reported a high passing had higher prevalence of family violence (p = .016); moreover, they reported observing less frequently police violence in the neighborhood they lived in for the last 12 months (p = .012) as well as having lower rates of suffering violence. Trans women who reported high passing had 81% (56%-92%) lower chance of suffering violence in open public places more than once, while prior racism experience had a positive association with violence in an open public place (aOR = 3.93, 95% CI [.48, 15.40]). Passing seems to protect from violence in public spaces, whilst it increases family violence. Data also suggest that observing police violence and violence in close public spaces. There is an urgent need to better understand the complex relationships around violence and foster its prevention.

From Necropraxis to Necroresistance: Transgender Experiences in Latin America.

Latin America is one of the deadliest regions for trans communities. Scientific research generated in the region has reported that trans people live through a complicated panorama shaped by multiple forms of oppression, extreme violence, and micro-aggressions. Although necropolitics, as a theoretical approach, has been useful to understand how State policies negatively affect trans individuals, it does not fully account for informal dynamics within groups and among individuals that are potentially lethal for this population in Latin America. To account for this gap, the author proposes two novel concepts: necropraxis (a pattern that manifest itself in everyday social interactions, through which gradual small doses of death are delivered to eliminate, symbolically and/or literally, trans people); and necroresistance (the ways in which trans people defy the threats imposed by necropraxis through "ordinary" acts manifested in their everyday life). The main objective of this article is to put forth definitions for these two concepts and identify how they apply in the context of trans communities in three countries of the region: Guatemala, Argentina, and Chile. To achieve the latter, the author relies on her ethnographic work in these contexts. Data were gathered through parcipant observation, in-depth interviews with trans persons (N = 11) and informal conversations with individuals during the site visits. A deductive qualitative analysis was conducted. Results evidence how the manifestation of necropraxis and necroresistance were highly influenced by the historical, political, economic and sociocultural context of each country. This study provides valuable information to help both policymakers and other stakeholders understand the problem's magnitude in the region and the ways necropraxis is experienced in everyday relations between trans individuals and others. Similarly, through the understanding of what constitutes necroresistance and its value, the proposed framework could help them outline prevention and management strategies to strengthen trans communities in different countries.

Antifeminismos: os efeitos dos discursos de ódio* / Anti-feminisms: The Effects of Hate Speech / Antifeminismos: los efectos de los discursos de odio

Resumo Neste artigo proponho uma reflexão sobre os efeitos dos discursos de ódio, entrelaçando discursos proferidos por grupos anti-feministas e pela Ministra Damares Alves, incluindo a recepção a essa produção. Atenta à disputa pelas noções de liberdade e de direitos humanos, argumento que o termo "feminista" é transformado em categoria acusatória por meio de desqualificações pessoais, inculcando a dúvida sobre as reivindicações de direitos, refletindo na formulação de políticas públicas. Se a dúvida sobre as mobilizações feministas podem ser mais localizadas no discurso extremo, tento mostrar como o rechaço a algumas pautas abrange os autodenominados, e/ou percebidos como, progressistas, inclusive na multiplicidade dos movimentos feministas.

Abstract In this article I propose a reflection on the effects of hate speech, intertwining speeches given by anti-feminist groups and by Minister Damares Alves, including the reception of this production. Aware of the dispute over the notions of freedom and human rights, I argue that the term "feminist" is transformed into an accusatory category through personal disqualifications, instilling doubt about the claims of rights, reflecting in the formulation of public policies. If the doubt about feminist mobilizations can be more located in the extreme discourse, I try to show how the rejection of some agendas encompasses the self-styled, and/or perceived as, progressive, including the multiplicity of feminist movements.

Resumen En este artículo propongo una reflexión sobre los efectos del discurso del odio, entrelazando discursos de grupos antifeministas y de la ministra Damares Alves, incluyendo la recepción de esta producción. Atenta a la disputa sobre las nociones de libertad y derechos humanos, planteo que el término "feminista" se transforma en una categoría acusatoria a través de descalificaciones personales, poniendo en duda las reivindicaciones de derechos, reflexionando sobre la formulación de políticas públicas. Si la duda sobre las movilizaciones feministas puede ubicarse más en el discurso extremo, trato de mostrar cómo el rechazo de algunas agendas engloba a los autodenominados, y/o percibidos como progresistas, incluso en la multiplicidad de los movimientos feministas.

Entre los discursos de odio y el miedo: tirar el mal al otro lado de la frontera / Between hate speech and fear: throwing evil across the border

Resumen En este texto se busca problematizar una representación dominante sobre las epidemias, pandemias y grandes catástrofes, que describe su origen como externo, exótico, extranjero y foráneo. En general, tanto desde el cine catástrofe hollywoodense, hasta los discursos médico-científicos, como desde la filosofía hasta las teorías conspirativas y los discursos de odio, se coloca cualquier amenaza o mal afuera de la propia sociedad, siempre existe un "otro", quien posee una falla moral que justifica la necesidad de combatirlos, aislarlos o eliminarlos. Proponemos analizar ciertas argumentaciones que han circulado en torno a la actual pandemia de coronavirus, especialmente aquellas que colocan la posibilidad de salvación en el aislamiento y el miedo, para problematizar ciertas ideas naturalizadas en los discursos que luego se traducen en prácticas o acciones políticas.

Abstract This text seeks to problematize a dominant representation about epidemics, pandemics and major catastrophes, which describes its origin as external, exotic and foreign. In general, both from Hollywood catastrophe cinema, to medical-scientific discourses, and from philosophy to conspiracy theories and hate speech, any threat or evil is placed outside of society itself, there is always another, who prosecutes a moral fault that justifies the need to combat, isolate or eliminate them. We propose to analyse arguments that have circulated around the current coronavirus pandemic, especially those that place the possibility of salvation in isolation and fear, to problematize certain ideas naturalized in discourses that are later translated into political practices or actions.

Notas sobre o discurso de ódio e a censura na peça de teatro A menina e sua sombra de menino / Notes on hate speech and censorship in the theater play The girl and her boy's shadow / Notas sobre el discurso de odio y la censura en la obra de teatro La niña y su sombra de niño

Este artigo objetiva discutir a presença do discurso de ódio e da censura na peça de teatro A menina e sua sombra de menino durante a passagem de sua apresentação pela cidade de Campos Novos/SC, a partir dos pressupostos psicanalíticos de Freud, Lacan e seus contemporâneos. O espetáculo apresenta a história de uma menina que utiliza as brincadeiras para compor o seu mundo e a sua vida subjetiva. No entanto, como há uma diversidade no campo do brincar das crianças, a protagonista se intriga com tamanha variedade e seus usos no tempo peculiar da constituição psíquica. Assim, inevitável foi o encontro com a delimitação preconceituosa na qual impera uma maneira de conceber as brincadeiras consideradas apropriadas às meninas, e, do mesmo modo, as que são apontadas como adequadas aos meninos. Isso torna-se agravante e espantoso na medida em que uma parte da população do mencionado município catarinense manifesta desinformação com ataques virtuais odientos e reprimendas por meio de suas crenças políticas e religiosas com relação à peça. Nesse estudo, apontamos o diálogo em torno da arte na cultura e suas ressonâncias na infância para demonstrar que as crianças se constituem enquanto sujeitos pela singularidade de suas fantasias e de seus desejos.

This article aims to discuss the presence of hate speech and censorship in the theatre play The girl and her boy's shadow during its presentation in the city of Campos Novos, state of Santa Catarina, Brazil, from the psychoanalytic assumptions of Freud, Lacan, and his contemporaries. The play presents the story of a girl who uses games to compose her world and her subjective life, however, since there is a diversity in the field of children's play, the protagonist is intrigued by such variety and its uses in the peculiar time of the psychic constitution. Therefore, the encounter with the prejudiced delimitation was inevitable, in which reigns a way of conceiving the games considered appropriate for girls and in the same way, those that are considered appropriate for boys. This becomes aggravating and astonishing because part of the population of the mentioned city of Santa Catarina manifests disinformation with virtual attacks of hate and reprimands following their political and religious beliefs in relation to the play. In this study, we point out the dialogue around art in culture and its resonances in childhood to demonstrate that children are constituted as subjects by the singularity of their fantasies and desires.

Este artículo tiene como objetivo discutir la presencia de discursos de odio y censura en la obra de teatro La niña y su sombra de niño durante el paso de su presentación por la ciudad de de Campos Novos, estado de Santa Catarina, Brasil, a partir de presupuestos psicoanalíticos de Freud a Lacan y sus contemporáneos. El espectáculo presenta la historia de una niña que usa los juegos para componer su mundo y su vida subjetiva, sin embargo, como hay una diversidad en el campo del juego infantil, la protagonista se intriga por semejante variedad y sus usos en el tiempo peculiar de la constitución psíquica. Así, fue inevitable el encuentro con la delimitación prejuiciosa, en la que impera una manera de concebir los juegos que se consideran adecuados para las niñas y, del mismo modo, aquellos que se consideran apropiados para los niños. Esto se vuelve agravante y espantoso en la medida en que parte de la población del mencionado municipio catarinense manifiesta desinformación con ataques virtuales odiosos y reprimendas a través de sus creencias políticas y religiosas con respecto a la obra. En este estudio, apuntamos el diálogo en torno al arte en la cultura y sus resonancias en la infancia para demostrar que los niños se constituyen como sujetos por la singularidad de sus fantasías y deseos.

Hate Speech, Emotions, and Gender Identities: A Study of Social Narratives on Twitter with Trainee Teachers.

The objective of this study is, on the one hand, to analyse emotional responses to the construction of hate speech relating to gender identity on Twitter. On the other hand, the objective is to evaluate the capabilities of trainee primary education teachers at constructing alternative counter-narratives to this socially alive issue, surrounding the approval of the Ley de Identidad de Género [Gender Identity Law] in Chile, in 2018. With this two-fold objective in mind, quantitative, descriptive, and inferential analysis and qualitative analysis techniques are all applied. The results inform us of the influence of socially constructed emotions and feelings that are expressed in social narratives. However, the narratives of the participants neither appeared to reach satisfactory levels of reflection on the social issues that stirred their own emotional responses, nor on the conflict between reason and the value judgements that they expressed in the digital debate (counter-narratives). These results point to the need to consider both emotions and feelings, as categories of social analysis, and to reflect on their forms of expression within the framework of education for inclusive democratic citizenship.

"Não vamos obedecer": o comando do ódio no Brasil de hoje / "We will not obey": the hatred command in Brazil today / "No obedeceremos": el comando del odio en el Brasil de hoy

O ódio é um gatilho. E ele quer mesmo é separar: classificar, conjurar, controlar, eliminar. Ele cria blocos de bloqueio. O artigo analisa práticas de ódio no Brasil de 2018-2020 procurando "responder" ou pensar o comando do ódio a partir de três perspectivas: a produção cultural anti racista; os feminismos interseccionais e a noção de reprodução social; e a produção do conhecimento situada na universidade. Analisa ainda a linguagem e a criação, a transitividade crítica e a pedagogia "lenta" como forma de alimentar os dissensos necessários para a realização de uma democracia. Compreendendo que não é possível rebater o ódio na sua totalidade, o texto se soma ao enunciado em creole "não vamos obedecer" e propõe a imagem de um emoliente do ódio que possa atuar nos seus desmanchamentos.

Hate is a trigger. What it really wants is to separate: classify, conjure, control, eliminate. It creates blocking blocks. The article analyzes hate practices in Brazil from 2018-2020 seeking to "respond" or think about the command of hate from three perspectives: anti racist cultural production; intersectional feminisms and the notion of social reproduction; and finally the production of knowledge situated in the university. It also analyses language and creativity, critical transitivity and "slow" pedagogy as a way to feed the dissensions necessary for the realization of a democracy. Understanding that it is not possible to rebut hatred in its totality, the text adds to the Creole statement "we will not obey" and proposes the image of an emollient of hatred that can act in its undoings.

El odio es un desencadenante. Y realmente quiere separar: clasificar, conjurar, controlar, eliminar. Crea bloques de bloqueo. El artículo analiza las prácticas de odio en Brasil de 2018 a 2020, buscando "responder" o pensar en el comando del odio desde tres perspectivas: la producción cultural antirracista; los feminismos interseccionales y la noción de reproducción social; y la producción de conocimiento situada en la universidad. También analiza el lenguaje y la creación, la transitividad crítica y la pedagogía "lenta" como forma de alimentar las disensiones necesarias para la realización de una democracia. Entendiendo que no es posible refutar el odio en su totalidad, el texto se suma a la afirmación en criollo "no obedeceremos" y propone la imagen de un emoliente del odio que puede actuar en su desmantelamiento.

Neoconservadorismo e políticas migratórias: o Brasil rumo ao retrocesso? / Neoconservatism and migration policies: Brazil heading backwards?

Este texto aborda a ascensão do neoconservadorismo no Brasil e seus possíveis influxos nas políticas migratórias. Analisa as características essenciais do pensamento neoconservador; como se manifestam no arranjo político que ascendeu ao poder no Brasil na década de 2010; e quais os possíveis influxos que podem representar nas políticas migratórias. Funda-se em revisão de literatura e análise de documentos. Constata-se que o pensamento neoconservador se sustenta em uma mescla de valores tradicionais (família, hierarquia, moralidade, autoridade), com ideias liberais na economia, securitização do Estado, nacionalismo, controle da pobreza e fundamentalismo religioso, fomentando uma "política do ódio" ao diferente, podendo comprometer os custosos avanços legislativos no campo das migrações, bem como a liberdade de circulação de pessoas migrantes e a sua inserção e integração nos corpos políticos

This text deals with the rise of neoconservatism in Brazil and its possible influences on migration policies. Analyzes the essential characteristics of neoconservative thinking; how these manifest themselves in the political arrangement that came to power in Brazil in the 2010s; and what are the possible inflows that may represent in the migratory policies. It is based on literature review and document analysis. It is clear that neoconservative thinking is based on a mixture of traditional values (family, hierarchy, morality, authority), with liberal ideas in the economy, state securitization, nationalism, poverty control and religious fundamentalism, fostering a "politics of hatred" to the different, which could undermine the costly legislative advances in the field of migration, as well as the freedom of movement of migrant persons and their insertion and integration into political bodies

A espera na "Era da pre(s)sa" / The wait in the "Rush era" / La espera en la "Era de la pri(e)sa" / Attendre à « l'Ère de la hâte (et de la proie) ¼

Na "Era da pre(s)sa", o mundo transborda de imagens e excessos, com a sensação do tempo em aceleração que impele respostas velozes aos sujeitos para que tudo aconteça no "já". Pensando na espera como constituinte do psiquismo, a autora desenvolve as relações entre o paradoxo excesso e ausência, bem como a necessidade de preservação de intervalos temporais que possibilitam a elaboração e o trabalho psíquico. O objetivo deste artigo é propor reflexões sobre a análise virtual na "Era da pre(s)sa", seus desafios e impasses, agravados pelo cenário atual de pandemia (covid-19).

At the "Rush era", the world overflows with images and excesses, with the time perception in acceleration demanding quick answers so everything happens immediately. Addressing the wait as the constituent of the psyche, I will develop the relations regarding the excess/absence paradox, as well as the need to preserve time intervals that allow the elaboration and construction of the psychic work. This article's goal is to propose reflections about the virtual analysis at the "Rush era", how humans get trapped within it, its challenges and deadlocks, which are aggravated by the current pandemic scenario.

En la "Era de la pri(e)sa", el mundo se desborda con imágenes y excesos, con la percepción del tiempo en aceleración demandando respuestas rápidas, para que todo se pase en el ya (ahora). Pensando en la espera como algo que constituye la psique humana, la autora desarrolla las relaciones de la paradoja del exceso y de la ausencia, así como la necesidad de preservación de intervalos temporales que hacen posible la elaboración y el trabajo psíquico. El objetivo de ese artículo es proponer reflexiones acerca del análisis (terapia) virtual en la Era de la Pri(e)sa, sus desafíos y dificultades, que son agravados por el escenario actual de la pandemia (covid-19).

A « l'Ère de la hâte (et de la proie) ¼, le monde déborde d'images et d'excès, avec la sensation d'accélération du temps, ce qui pousse des réponses rapides aux sujets pour que tout se passe dans le « maintenant ¼. En pensant à l'attente comme constituant du psychisme, l'auteur développe la relation entre le paradoxe de l'excès et de l'absence, ainsi que la nécessité de préserver des intervalles de temps qui rendent possible l'élaboration et le travail psychiques. Le but de cet article est de proposer des réflexions sur l'analyse virtuelle à « l'Ere de la hâte (et de la proie) ¼, ses défis et impasses, aggravés par le scénario pandémique actuel (covid-19).

Health workers as hate crimes targets during coviD-19 outbreak in the Americas / Trabajadores de la salud como objetivos de crímenes de odio durante el brote de COVID-19 en las Américas

ABSTRACT Many health workers in the Americas, especially women, have been victims of discrimination and different types of grievances during the COVID-19 pandemic. These brief reflections aim to make the problem visible, offer theoretical explanations and some recommendations. The pandemic constitutes a massive crisis that triggers fears and reassuring of diffuse anxieties, which often includes someone to blame. Healthcare workers have become circumstantial scapegoating targets. The inflicted attacks can be understood as reactive hate crimes since they are originated from an allegedly healthy person to an allegedly contaminated person. People seems to incur in a sanitary profiling process based on the health worker's uniform. However, these expressions of hatred are fueled by pre-pandemic circumstances such as the precariousness of health systems and deficient medical equipment, misogyny, or the pervasiveness of authoritarian tendencies. Understanding this situation as a human rights issue, it is suggested to consider measures in order to discourage these attacks, such as: guaranteeing the appropriate conditions of hospitals and the personal protective equipment of workers; development of recognition campaigns of the healthcare staff and the work they carry out (in particular female nurses); and implementing transitory regulations that sanction any hate crime type attack to health workers or the scientific community. Furthermore, educational advocacy efforts should reiterate basic hygiene measures for the people, but also focus on refuting false and pseudoscientific beliefs that contribute to the fear-induced construction of the health worker as a threat of contagion.(AU)

RESUMEN Muchos trabajadores sanitarios de las Américas, especialmente mujeres, han sido víctimas de discriminación y diferentes tipos de agravios durante la pandemia de COVID-19. Estas breves reflexiones tienen por objetivo visibilizar el problema, ofrecer algunas explicaciones teóricas y algunas recomendaciones. La pandemia constituye una situación de crisis generalizada que detona miedos y necesidad de calmar ansiedades difusas, lo que incluye buscar culpables. Los trabajadores de la salud se han convertido en chivos expiatorios circunstanciales. Los ataques sufridos pueden ser comprendidos como crímenes de odio reactivos en cuanto que se dirigen de una persona supuestamente sana a otra supuestamente contaminada. Las personas parecen incurrir en un proceso de perfilamiento sanitario basado en el uniforme del personal de salud. No obstante, estas expresiones de odio se alimentan de circunstancias previas a la pandemia como la precariedad de los sistemas de salud y del equipamiento de los trabajadores, la misoginia o la existencia de tendencias autoritarias. Comprendiendo la situación como un asunto de derechos humanos, para contrarrestar estos ataques se sugiere considerar medidas como: garantizar condiciones hospitalarias apropiadas y de equipamiento protector de los trabajadores; campañas de reconocimiento de la labor que desempeñan (en particular las enfermeras); y el establecimiento de normativas transitorias que sancionen cualquier ataque de odio contra trabajadores sanitarios o la comunidad científica. Adicionalmente, se sugiere implementar campañas educativas que, además de reiterar las medias higiénicas básicas, se enfoquen en desmentir creencias falsas o pseudocientíficas que contribuyen a la construcción, inducida por el miedo, del trabajador de la salud como una amenaza de contagio.(AU)

O uso político do discurso do ódio: um estudo de caso no facebook (2016) / The political use of hate speech: a case study on facebook (2016) / El uso político del discurso del odio: um estudio de caso en facebook (2016) / L'utilisation politique du discours de haine: une étude de cassur facebook (2016)

No período de instauração do processo de investigação das "pedaladas fiscais" realizadas pela presidenta Dilma Rousseff, as redes sociais on-line, dentre elas o Facebook, eram usadas pelos seus navegadores para expressar seus posicionamentos a favor e contra o pedido de investigação, bem como para divulgar as mobilizações e atos públicos de apoio e oposição a esse processo. Dentre as postagens publicadas nesse período, o discurso de ódio se sobressaiu e parecia unir alguns sujeitos que compartilhavam das mesmas posições ideológicas e políticas. Com o objetivo de compreender por que este discurso se fazia tão presente neste momento e quais seriam seus possíveis efeitos, que realizamos um estudo de caso e analisamos a partir do referencial psicanalítico, alguns desses discursos de ódio. Percebemos como o Facebook, as bolhas online reforçaram esse discurso e como este foi usado politicamente para legitimar o pedido de investigação e o resultado desse processo.

In the period of the process of the investigation of the "taxpedaling" carried out by President Dilma Rousseff, the online social networks, including Facebook, were used by their browsers to express their positions for and against the investigation request, as well as to publicize the mobilizations andpublic acts of support and opposition to this process. Among the posts published during this period, hate speech stood out and seemed to unite some subjects who shared the same ideological andpoliticalpositions. In order to better understand why this discourse was so present at this moment and what would be its possible effects, which we analyzed through case study, supported by the psychoanalytic framework, some of these hate discourses. We realizedfrom this study that Facebook, the online bubbles reinforced this discourse and how it was usedpolitically to legitimize the investigation request and the outcome of this process.

En el período de instauración del proceso de investigación de las "pedaleadas fiscales" realizadas por la presidenta Dilma Rousseff, las redes sociales online, entre ellas Facebook era utilizado por sus navegadores para expresar sus posicionamientos a favor y contra la solicitud de investigación, así como para divulgar las movilizaciones y actos públicos de apoyo y oposición a ese proceso. Entre las posturas publicadas en este período el discurso de odio se sobresalía y parece haber unido a algunos sujetos que compartían las mismas posiciones ideológicas y políticas. Para comprender mejorpor qué este discurso estaba tan presente en este momento y cuáles serían sus posibles efectos, que analizamos a través del estudio de caso, apoyados por el referencial psicoanalítico, algunos de estos discursos de odio. Nos damos cuenta a través de este estudio, cómo el Facebook, las burbujas en línea, reforzó ese discurso y cómo éste fue utilizado políticamente para legitimar la petición de investigación y el resultado de esse proceso.

Au cours de la période de investigacion sur les «pédalier fiscales¼ effectué par la présidente Dilma Rousseff, les réseaux sociaux en ligne, dont Facebook, ont été utilisés par leurs navigateurs Web pour exprimer leurs positions pour et contre la demande d'enquête, ainsi que de faire connaitre les mobilisations et les actespublics de soutien et d'opposition à ceprocessus. Parmi les articlespubliés au cours de cette période, les discours de haine se distinguent et semblent unir certains sujetspartageant les mêmes positions idéologiques et politiques. Afin de mieux comprendre pourquoi ce discours était si présent en ce moment et quels en seraient les effets possibles, que nous avons analysés à travers des études de cas, étayées par le cadre psychanalytique, certains de ces discours de haine. Nous avons réalisé à partir de cette étude que Facebook, les bulles en ligne ont renforcé ce discours et son utilisation politiquement pour légitimer la investigation et les résultats de ce processus.

Data set for automatic detection of online misogynistic speech.

The data set is composed of 2285 definitions posted on the Urban Dictionary platform from 1999 to May 2016. The data was classified as misogynistic and non-misogynistic by three independent researchers with domain knowledge. The data set is available in public repository in a table containing two columns: the text-based definition from Urban Dictionary and its respective classification (1 for misogynistic and 0 for non-misogynistic).

Nós versus eles: ódio biopolítico contra a população LGBT no Twitter de Marco Feliciano / We versus them: Biopolitical hate against LGBT population on Marco Feliciano's Twitter / Nosotros versus ellos: el odio biopolítico contra la población LGBT en el Twitter de Marco Feliciano

Neste artigo, objetivamos analisar o ativismo do pastor e deputado federal brasileiro Marco Feliciano na contrariedade a propostas de lei e pautas relacionadas à sexualidade e ao gênero, a exemplo do Projeto de Lei nº 122/2006, mais conhecido como 'anti-homofobia'. Para tanto, analisamos as postagens realizadas por Feliciano em sua conta oficial no Twitter durante o ano de 2011. A metodologia utilizada é a análise discursiva, compreendendo a atuação do pastor como desencadeadora de um tensionamento entre os campos político, religioso e midiático. Conclui-se, a partir da análise, que as postagens de Marco Feliciano expressam ódio biopolítico contra os LGBT, vistos como populações a serem eliminadas e que ameaçam a ordem heterossexual cisgênero vigente.

In this article, we aim to analyze the activism of Brazilian pastor and federal deputy Marco Feliciano in order to offer opposition to legislation and guidelines related to sexuality and gender, such as bill nº 122/2006, better known as 'anti-homophobia'. In order to do so, we analyze the messages posted by Feliciano in his official account on Twitter during the year 2011. The methodology used is the discursive analysis, including the pastor acting as triggering a tension between the political, religious and media fields. It is concluded from the analysis that the posts of Marco Feliciano express biopolitical hate against the LGBT, seen as populations to be eliminated and that threaten the current cisgender heterosexual order.

En este artículo, objetivamos analizar el activismo del pastor y diputado federal brasileño Marco Feliciano para combatir propuestas de ley y pautas relacionadas a sexualidad y género, a ejemplo del proyecto de ley 122/2006, más conocido como 'anti-homofobia'. Para llevar el objetivo a cabo, analizamos las mensajes publicadas por Feliciano en su cuenta oficial en Twitter durante el año 2011. La metodología utilizada es el análisis discursivo, comprendiendo la actuación del pastor como desencadenadora de una tensión entre los campos políticos, religioso y mediático. Se concluye, a partir del análisis, que las publicaciones de Marco Feliciano expresan odio biopolítico contra los LGBT, vistos como poblaciones a eliminar y que amenazan el orden heterosexual cisgénero vigente.