A Geographical Approach to China's Local Government Debt.

Since the 2010s local government debt has boomed in China because the government relies on debt financing for infrastructure investment. The debt mainly consists of the issuance of Chengtou bonds and later local government bonds. Using data from more than 300 cities from 2009 to 2020, this article maps its spatial dynamics to further the understanding of intergovernmental relations in the studies on local government debt. We find that, from 2009 to 2014, most cities had large bond-issuing amounts. The dynamics were affected by the economic stimulus target set by the central government and the interjurisdictional competition in borrowing among local governments. After 2015 the cities with better economies issued more bonds because the central government tried to match local government debt with local fiscal capacity to maintain financial security. The spatial dynamics show the increasing intervention by the central government in local fiscal income and expenditure, reflecting fiscal centralization. Fiscal centralization did not effectively contain the financial risk in the less-developed cities. Motivated by the competition, the less-developed cities did not use bonds efficiently and had higher ratios of bond issuance to fiscal income, experiencing higher financial risk.

Desde el 2010, la deuda de los gobiernos locales en China se ha disparado debido a que las administraciones recurren a la financiación por medio de deuda para inversión en infraestructura. La deuda consiste primordialmente en la emisión de bonos Chengtou y, más tarde, bonos del gobierno local. Usando datos de más de 300 ciudades, entre 2009 y 2020, este artículo mapea la dinámica espacial para lograr un mayor entendimiento de las relaciones intergubernamentales en los estudios sobre deuda de los gobiernos locales. Encontramos que, de 2009 a 2014, la mayoría de las ciudades emitieron grandes volúmenes de bonos. Las dinámicas se afectaron por el objetivo del estímulo económico establecido por el gobierno central y por la competencia interjurisdiccional en el endeudamiento entre los gobiernos locales. Después de 2015, las ciudades con mejores economías emitieron más bonos debido a que el gobierno central trató de equiparar la deuda del gobierno local con la capacidad fiscal local para conservar la seguridad financiera. La dinámica espacial deja ver la creciente intervención del gobierno central en los ingresos y gastos fiscales locales, lo cual refleja la centralización fiscal. La centralización fiscal no contuvo eficazmente el riesgo financiero en las ciudades menos desarrolladas. Motivadas por la competencia, las ciudades menos desarrolladas no utilizaron eficientemente los bonos y tuvieron ratios más altas de emisión de bonos respecto a los ingresos fiscales, experimentando un riesgo financiero más alto.

Bioprotection of Transportation and Facilities from SARS-CoV-2 (COVID-19).

The recent COVID-19 pandemic has led to a nearly world-wide shelter-in-place strategy. This raises several natural concerns about the safe relaxing of current restrictions. This article focuses on the design and operation of heating ventilation and air conditioning (HVAC) systems in the context of transportation. Do HVAC systems have a role in limiting viral spread? During shelter-in-place, can the HVAC system in a dwelling or a vehicle help limit spread of the virus? After the shelter-in-place strategy ends, can typical workplace and transportation HVAC systems limit spread of the virus? This article directly addresses these and other questions. In addition, it also summarizes simplifying assumptions needed to make meaningful predictions. This article derives new results using transform methods first given in Ginsberg and Bui. These new results describe viral spread through an HVAC system and estimate the aggregate dose of virus inhaled by an uninfected building or vehicle occupant when an infected occupant is present within the same building or vehicle. Central to these results is the derivation of a quantity called the "protection factor"-a term-of-art borrowed from the design of gas masks. Older results that rely on numerical approximations to these differential equations have long been lab validated. This article gives the exact solutions in fixed infrastructure for the first time. These solutions, therefore, retain the same lab validation of the older methods of approximation. Further, these exact solutions yield valuable insights into HVAC systems used in transportation.

Recentralización, conflictos intergubernamentales y desigualdad territorial: perspectiva de gobiernos locales en Perú / Recentralização, conflitos intergovernamentais e desigualdade territorial: perspectiva dos governos locais no Peru / Recentralization, intergovernmental conflicts and territorial inequality: perspective of local governments in Peru

Resumen Los conflictos intergubernamentales, en el contexto del centralismo Latinoamericano y la recentralización en el Perú, se han agudizado durante los últimos 30 años, produciendo diversos problemas sociopolíticos, económicos y culturales en los ámbitos subnacionales. Este fenómeno sociopolítico se analiza desde la perspectiva de los gobiernos locales en la región Puno, basado en el diseño de la Teoría Fundamentada de Glasser y Strauss, para dar cuenta de las categorías y subcategorías de análisis emergentes respecto de la dinámica de las relaciones intergubernamentales (RIG) en el proceso de las políticas públicas locales. El argumento principal es que, como resultado del centralismo, la recentralización y los conflictos intergubernamentales, se reproduce y se refuerza la desigualdad territorial en los ámbitos locales, expresada en una dicotomía entre: dinámicas territoriales deficitarias (zonas de atraso) y dinámicas territoriales emprendedoras (áreas de crecimiento).

Resumo Os conflitos intergovernamentais, no contexto do centralismo Latino-americano e da recentralização no Peru, se agravaram nos últimos 30 anos, produzindo vários problemas sociopolíticos, econômicos e culturais em níveis subnacionais. Este fenômeno sociopolítico é analisado a partir da perspectiva dos governos locais na região de Puno, com base no desenho da Grounded Theory de Glaser e Strauss, para dar conta das categorias e subcategorias emergentes de análise sobre a dinâmica das relações intergovernamentais (RIG) no processo de políticas públicas locais. O principal argumento é que, como resultado do centralismo, da recentralização e dos conflitos intergovernamentais, a desigualdade territorial é reproduzida e reforçada nos níveis locais, expressa em uma dicotomia entre: dinâmicas de déficit territorial (áreas de atraso) e dinâmicas territoriais empreendedoras (áreas de crescimento).

Abstract Intergovernmental conflicts, in Latin America's centralism and the recentralization in Peru, have been more acute over the last 30 years, producing sociopolitical, economic, and cultural problems at subnational levels. Based on the design of the grounded theory of Glasser and Strauss, this sociopolitical phenomenon is analyzed from the perspective of local governments in the Puno region to account for the emerging categories and subcategories of analysis regarding the dynamics of intergovernmental relations (IGR) in the local public policy process. The main argument is that, as a result of centralism, recentralization, and intergovernmental conflicts, territorial inequality reproduces and reinforces at the local level. These are expressed in a dichotomy between the deficit territorial dynamics (backward areas) and entrepreneurial territorial dynamics (growth areas).

Political alignment and project funding.

We analyze the relationship between the party affiliation of politicians at different levels of government and the spatial distribution of funding for research, development and innovation projects. In particular, we are investigating whether more federal grants are being granted in Germany for projects in federal states whose government is led by the same political party as the responsible ministry at federal level. Our dataset contains detailed information on publicly funded projects in Germany in the period 2010-2019. Using a fixed-effects estimation approach, we find a link between grant allocation and party affiliation of funding for research, development and innovation projects, in particular smaller ones. For these projects, political alignment is associated with an average increase in public funding by almost 10,000 euro. Our results suggest that public funds for research, development and innovation projects could be used more efficiently than they are.

Is there coercion in local emergency management policy implementation?

American governance in the twenty-first century continues down a path of enhanced coercion and direction from the federal government. Emergency management policy is no different from any other policy field in this aspect, especially in the time following the September 11 attacks. Throughout the Obama administration, the federal government continued these policies and created additional mandates that required local compliance with federal policy demands. Failure to do so would put grant funding at risk in a field where budgets are typically stretched to the limit. However, an earlier study by Hildebrand (J Homeland Secur Emerg Manag 12(2):273-298, 2015) showed that this coercive threat had no statistical significance in predicting the reported implementation behaviors of local emergency management officials during the George W. Bush administration. This study seeks to determine if attitudes of local emergency managers changed during the Obama administration, and if the potential impacts from coercion had any predictive effect upon the local agencies decision to implement policy demands from the National Response Framework (NRF), National Incident Management System (NIMS), and Incident Command System (ICS). The findings once again show that coercive threats (the potential loss of grant funding) play little-to-no role in the actions and attitudes of local emergency management professionals when reporting compliance with federal policy demands.

A atuação coordenadora do governo do Rio Grande do Norte no combate à covid-19: inovação em tempos de crise? / The coordination role of Rio Grande do Norte state government in response to covid-19: Innovation in times of crisis?

Resumo A partir de um estudo de caso do Rio Grande do Norte, este artigo discute o papel dos estados na coordenação da saúde durante a pandemia do novo coronavírus. A ausência de coordenação federal no enfrentamento do surto pandêmico no Brasil tem sido compreendida por diversos analistas como algo inédito na federação brasileira, rompendo com um padrão recorrente de normatização e indução nacional por diferentes governos desde a Constituição de 1988. Nesse sentido, estados e municípios passaram a adotar iniciativas próprias para o enfrentamento da pandemia. A partir de uma pesquisa qualitativa baseada em dados documentais - mídia local, boletins epidemiológicos e regulamentações estaduais - e em entrevistas semiestruturadas com gestores estaduais e municipais, foi possível identificar mudanças na relação estado-municípios durante a pandemia no Rio Grande do Norte, caso marcado, historicamente, pela ausência de cooperação estadual. A pandemia, dessa forma, funcionou como um choque exógeno, que induziu uma mudança no padrão de atuação do governo estadual na saúde. Não está claro, porém, se essas alterações são pontuais ou permanentes, na medida em que o peso do autorreforço - especificação dos efeitos do legado histórico - atua como um mecanismo que produz dinâmicas inerciais de difícil rompimento com o passado.

Abstract From a case study of the State of Rio Grande do Norte, in Brazil, this article discusses the role of states in coordinating healthcare with its local governments in the context of the new coronavirus pandemic. The absence of federal government initiatives in responding to the pandemic in Brazil have been acknowledged by several specialists as an unprecedented event in the Brazilian federation, breaking with a recurrent pattern of national coordination and regulation by different governments since the 1988 Constitution. In this sense, states and municipalities had to adopt their own initiatives to respond to the pandemic. Qualitative research based on the collection of documents (local media, epidemiological reports, and state regulations) and in-depth interviews with state and municipal managers reveals significant changes in the state-municipal relationship throughout the pandemic period in Rio Grande do Norte, a state historically characterized by the lack of state coordination. The pandemic, thus, functioned as an exogenous shock, which induced changes in the pattern of state coordination in healthcare. It is unclear, however, whether these changes are one-off or permanent since the weight of increasing returns - a specification of a path dependency process - seem to work as a mechanism producing inertial dynamics of difficult disruption with the past.

The costs and benefits of duality: Colombia's decentralization and the response to the COVID-19 pandemic / Custos e benefícios da dualidade: a descentralização da Colômbia e a resposta à pandemia de COVID-19 / Los costos y efectos de la dualidad: descentralización en Colombia y la respuesta a la pandemia de COVID-19

Abstract Colombia's duality between the relative strength of the central government and the broad process of decentralization towards subnational and local governments has shaped the country's response to the COVID-19 pandemic. Substantial tensions have arisen between the national and subnational governments in the handling of the crisis. Thus, blurred policy boundaries challenge multi-level government coordination. Yet, intergovernmental relations and multi-level governance have worked at some extent. Meanwhile, leadership styles, the level of political support, the local governance environment and the level of local institutional capacity have affected the strategies of local government leaders and their success to tackle the pandemic. Moreover, uneven healthcare capacity across the Colombian territory posits further challenges for a national response to the pandemic that ensures both effectiveness and equity.

Resumo A dualidade da Colômbia, entre a força relativa do governo central e o amplo processo de descentralização com fortalecimento de governos subnacionais e locais, estabeleceu os contornos da resposta do país à pandemia de COVID-19. Testemunhou-se uma substancial tensão entre os governos nacional e subnacionais no tratamento da crise. Os limites pouco claros das políticas desafiam a coordenação governamental em vários níveis. No entanto, as relações intergovernamentais e a governança em vários níveis funcionaram até certo ponto. Enquanto isso, os estilos de liderança, o nível de apoio político, o ambiente local de governança e o nível local de capacidade institucional, afetaram as estratégias das lideranças governamentais locais e seu sucesso no combate à pandemia. Além disso, as desigualdades na capacidade de prover serviços de saúde em todo o território colombiano apresentam desafios adicionais para uma resposta nacional à pandemia que garanta efetividade e equidade.

Resumen La dualidad del modelo unitario descentralizado de Colombia, entre la fuerza relativa del gobierno central y el amplio proceso de descentralización hacia los gobiernos subnacionales y locales ha influido en la respuesta del país frente a la pandemia de COVID-19. Algunas tensiones sustanciales han aparecido entre los gobiernos nacional y subnacionales en el manejo de la crisis. Un contexto con algunos límites jurisdiccionales borrosos impone un reto a la coordinación gubernamental multinivel. Sin embargo, las relaciones intergubernamentales y la gobernanza multinivel parecen haber funcionado en alguna medida. Por otro lado, los estilos de liderazgo, el nivel de apoyo político, el entorno local de gobernanza y el nivel local de capacidad institucional han afectado las estrategias de las autoridades locales y su éxito al enfrentar la pandemia. Más aun, las disparidades en la capacidad de protección en salud a lo largo del territorio colombiano plantean desafíos adicionales para una respuesta coordinada nacional a la pandemia que asegure tanto efectividad como equidad.

The role of intergovernmental relations in response to a wicked problem: an analysis of the COVID-19 crisis in the BRICS countries / O papel das relações intergovernamentais em resposta a um problema perverso: uma análise da crise da COVID-19 nos países do BRICS / El papel de las relaciones intergubernamentales en respuesta a un problema perverso: un análisis de la crisis de COVID-19 en los países BRICS

Abstract Globally, policy environments have become increasingly more complex with the growth in the number of wicked problems, such as that posed by the COVID-19 pandemic. In their response to these problems, public administrations have, from necessity, become heavily reliant on their intergovernmental relations systems, as the challenges posed generally require multilevel responses. This paper analyzes the role of intergovernmental relations in shaping the responses of the BRICS countries when confronted with COVID-19. We develop an analytical framework to understand the dynamics of intergovernmental relations in these countries. Based on this we assess the capacity of the state and political systems to manage intergovernmental relations and ensure effective responses to the COVID-19 crisis. This framework is based on an analysis of three dimensions of the policy domain: the political and state system, formal and informal institutions, and the political alignment between them. Whilst state and political systems were found to be instrumental in formulating an immediate response to the crisis, informal institutions and political processes also played a prominent role in determining the extent to which strategies were implemented, particularly in countries that are more decentralized. Countries lacking the robust formal institutions needed to facilitate intergovernmental relations and to ensure swift policy responses, tend to deliver ineffective and inefficient results when confronted with wicked problems.

Resumo Políticas públicas para solução de problemas perversos (wicked problems), como a crise da COVID-19, têm sido dificultadas devido à complexidade dos ambientes institucionais em que elas acontecem. Esses problemas também requerem cada vez mais coordenação multinível, dando um papel fundamental às relações intergovernamentais. Este artigo analisa esse papel na resposta dos países do BRICS (Brasil, Rússia, Índia, China e África do Sul) à crise da COVID-19. Foi desenvolvido um arcabouço analítico para entender a dinâmica dessas relações intergovernamentais, que foi usado para avaliar a capacidade do estado e dos sistemas políticos para dar respostas efetivas à COVID-19. O arcabouço é baseado em três dimensões: o sistema político e do estado, as instituições formais e informais, e o alinhamento político entre os níveis de governo e a administração pública. Apesar da importância dos sistemas políticos e de estado, as instituições informais e os processos políticos foram instrumentais para definir e implementar as estratégias de combate à COVID-19, principalmente nos países mais decentralizados. Países sem instituições formais robustas para facilitar as relações intergovernamentais tendem a oferecer resultados ineficientes e não-efetivos em termos de políticas públicas para atacar problemas perversos.

Resumen Las políticas públicas para resolver problemas perversos ( wicked problems ), como la crisis de COVID-19, se han visto obstaculizadas por la complejidad de los entornos institucionales en los que ocurren. Estos problemas también requieren cada vez más una coordinación multinivel, lo que hace que las relaciones intergubernamentales jueguen un papel fundamental. Este artículo analiza ese papel en la respuesta de los países BRICS (Brasil, Rusia, India, China y Sudáfrica) a la crisis de la COVID-19. Se desarrolló un marco analítico para comprender la dinámica de estas relaciones intergubernamentales, que se utilizó para evaluar la capacidad del estado y de los sistemas políticos para brindar respuestas efectivas a la COVID-19. El marco se basa en tres dimensiones: el sistema político y estatal, las instituciones formales e informales y la alineación política entre los niveles de gobierno y la administración pública. A pesar de la importancia de los sistemas políticos y estatal, las instituciones informales y los procesos políticos fueron fundamentales para definir e implementar estrategias para combatir la COVID-19, especialmente en los países más descentralizados. Los países sin instituciones formales sólidas para facilitar las relaciones intergubernamentales tienden a ofrecer resultados ineficientes e ineficaces en términos de políticas públicas para abordar problemas perversos.

Intergovernmental Relations in the UK: Time for a Radical Overhaul?

Brexit and the coronavirus pandemic have put relationships between the UK government and its devolved counterparts under growing strain. Tensions generated by both of these developments have exposed the inadequacies of the existing, under-developed system for bringing governments together in the UK. The limitations of the current system include the ad hoc nature of intergovernmental meetings, and their consultative rather than decision-making character. Drawing upon an analysis of how intergovernmental relationships are structured in five other countries, the authors offer a number of suggestions for the reconfiguration of the UK model. They explore different ways of enabling joint decision making by its governments, and argue against the assumption that England can be represented adequately by the UK administration. Without a serious attempt to address this dysfunctional part of the UK's territorial constitution, there is every prospect that relations between these different governments will continue to deteriorate.

Combate à COVID-19 sob o federalismo bolsonarista: um caso de descoordenação intergovernamental / Lucha contra la COVID-19 bajo el federalismo bolsonarista: un caso de descoordinación intergubernamental / Combating COVID-19 under Bolsonaros federalism: a case of intergovernmental incoordination

Resumo Este artigo analisa como o federalismo brasileiro tem afetado o combate à COVID-19. Tendo por base uma análise histórico-institucional do caso brasileiro, busca-se compreender como o modelo federativo construído pelo governo Bolsonaro influenciou as respostas ao combate da pandemia no país, bem como os resultados do confronto de dois modelos federativos nesse processo. De um lado, o ideário e as estruturas institucionais da Constituição de 1988 com características cooperativas e forte coordenação federal. De outro, o federalismo bolsonarista baseia-se numa visão dualista de relações intergovernamentais, com menor participação da União na redução de desigualdades territoriais e no apoio a governos subnacionais, além da postura centralizadora e hierárquica nas questões de impacto nacional. O estudo mostra que o federalismo bolsonarista aumentou o conflito com governos subnacionais e tem descoordenado políticas públicas de enfrentamento à pandemia. Conclui-se que as crises sanitária e federativa caminham juntas e trazem à tona uma questão chave: a importância da coordenação governamental nas políticas públicas de enfrentamento à pandemia.

Resumen Este artículo analiza cómo el federalismo brasileño ha afectado la lucha contra la COVID-19. A partir de un análisis histórico-institucional del caso brasileño, buscamos comprender cómo el modelo federativo construido por el gobierno de Bolsonaro influyó en las respuestas para combatir la pandemia en el país, así como los resultados de la confrontación de dos modelos federativos en este proceso. Por un lado, el ideario y las estructuras institucionales de la Constitución de 1988 con características cooperativas y una fuerte coordinación federal. Por otro, el federalismo bolsonarista que se basa en una visión dualista de las relaciones intergubernamentales, con menos participación del Gobierno Federal en la reducción de las desigualdades territoriales y en el apoyo a los gobiernos subnacionales, además de la postura centralizadora y jerárquica en materias de impacto nacional. El estudio muestra que el federalismo bolsonarista ha aumentado el conflicto con los gobiernos subnacionales y ha descoordinado las políticas públicas de combate a la pandemia. Se concluye que las crisis sanitaria y federativa van juntas y plantean una cuestión clave: la importancia de la coordinación gubernamental en la implementación de políticas públicas de enfrentamiento a la pandemia y sus efectos sociales y económicos.

Abstract This article analyzes how federalism has affected policy responses to the COVID-19 pandemic in Brazil. Through historical-institutional analysis, the study examines how the model of federalism adopted by President Bolsonaro's government influenced policy responses to the pandemic in the country. In addition, the research points out the existence of two models of federalism in the case analyzed, addressing the outcomes of the confrontation between them. The first model refers to ideas and institutional structures that have emerged since the 1988 Brazilian Federal Constitution with cooperative features and strong federal coordination. The second, named "Bolsonaro's federalism," is based on a dualistic view of intergovernmental relations with little participation of the federal government in reducing territorial inequalities and supporting subnational governments, while centralizing issues of national importance and adopting a hierarchical stance. The study shows that Bolsonaro's government increased the conflict with subnational governments and jeopardized the coordination of policy responses to the COVID-19 pandemic. We conclude that healthcare and federative crises go together and raise a key question: what is the importance of governmental coordination to implement policies to respond to the pandemic and its social and economic effects?

Policy context, coherence and disjuncture in the implementation of the Ideal Clinic Realisation and Maintenance programme in the Gauteng and Mpumalanga provinces of South Africa.

BACKGROUND: Universal health coverage is a key target of the Sustainable Development Goals and quality of care is fundamental to its attainment. In South Africa, the National Health Insurance (NHI) system is a major health financing reform towards universal health coverage. The Ideal Clinic Realisation and Maintenance (ICRM) programme aims to improve the quality of care at primary healthcare level in preparation for NHI system implementation. This study draws on Bressers' Contextual Interaction Theory to explore the wider, structural and specific policy context of the ICRM programme and the influence of this context on policy actors' motivation, cognition and perceived power. METHODS: This was a nested qualitative study, conducted in two NHI pilot districts in the Gauteng and Mpumalanga Provinces of South Africa. Following informed consent, we conducted in-depth interviews with key informants involved in the conceptualisation and implementation of the ICRM programme. The questions focused on ICRM policy context, rationale and philosophy, intergovernmental relationships, perceptions of roles and responsibilities in implementation, ICRM programme resourcing, and implementation progress, challenges and constraints. We used thematic analysis, informed by Bressers' theory, to analyse the data. RESULTS: A total of 36 interviews were conducted with key informants from national, provincial and local government. The wider context of the ICRM programme implementation was the drive to improve the quality of care at primary healthcare level in preparation for NHI. However, the context was characterised by contestations about the roles and responsibilities of the three government spheres and weak intergovernmental relationships. Notwithstanding examples of strong local leadership, the disjuncture between two national quality of care initiatives and resource constraints influenced policy actors' experiences and perceptions of the ICRM programme. They expressed frustrations about the lack of or diffuse accountability and their lack of involvement in decision-making, thus questioning the sustainability of the ICRM programme. CONCLUSIONS: National health sector reforms should consider the context of policy implementation and potential impact on actors' motivation, cognition and power. All relevant policy actors should be involved in policy design and implementation. A clear communication strategy and ongoing monitoring and evaluation are prerequisites for implementation success.

Consenso e pactuação regional entre gestores do SUS no nordeste do Brasil / The regional consensus and agreement among managers of the SUS (Unified Health System) in the northeast of Brazil

Resumo Analisou-se a construção do consenso e da pactuação entre gestores do Sistema Único de Saúde em Comissões Intergestores Regionais de dois cenários metropolitanos, mediante estudo de casos múltiplos para análise comparativa entre a Região Metropolitana de Fortaleza-Ceará e a Região Metropolitana de Salvador-Bahia. O referencial teórico utilizado fundamentou-se na obra de Mário Testa e na Teoria da Ação Comunicativa de Habermas. A produção de dados combinou análise documental, entrevistas com gestores das instâncias estaduais, municipais e federal, com a observação direta de reuniões de Comissão Intergestores Regional, Conselho Estadual de Saúde, Comissão Intergestores Bipartite, reuniões entre nível central e regional, além de reuniões ampliadas do Conselho de Secretarias Municipais de Saúde, nos dois estados. Os problemas relativos à Programação Pactuada e Integrada e ao subfinanciamento do SUS foram os pontos comuns nos cenários estudados. Tais problemas estão imbricados e interferem de modo importante nas relações interinstitucionais entre os municípios, apontando a disputa por recursos como um entrave para a construção do consenso e da pactuação, pautados no diálogo e no entendimento entre atores.

Abstract The creation of consensus and agreement among managers of the Unified Health System (SUS) was analyzed in Regional Interagency Commissions of two metropolitan scenarios, by means of a multiple case study for comparative analysis between the Metropolitan Region of Fortaleza-Ceará and the Metropolitan Region of Salvador-Bahia. The theoretical reference used was based on Mario Testa's work and on Habermas' Theory of Communicative Action. The data production merged documental analysis, interviews with managers of state, municipal and federal levels with direct observation of meetings of the Regional Interagency Commission, the State Health Council, the Bipartite Interagency Commission, meetings between central and regional levels, in addition to extended meetings of the Health Municipal Offices Council, in both states. The problems related to Agreed and Integrated Programming and to the underfunding of SUS were common points in the scenarios studied. Such problems are interlinked and interfere in an important way in the interinstitutional relations between the municipalities, highlighting the dispute for resources as an obstacle for the creation of consensus and agreement, based on the dialogue and understanding between actors.

Model and determinants of state-local governments' relations in Nigeria / Modelo y determinantes de las relaciones entre los gobiernos de los estados y los gobiernos municipales en Nigeria / Modelo e determinantes das relações entre governos estaduais e locais na Nigéria

Abstract Nigeria struggles to establish and sustain cooperative, interdependent state-local intergovernmental relations (IGR) by providing for the powers and rights of local governments in the federal constitution. Despite the provisions, the practice of state-local IGR has remained inclusive, hierarchical, dependent and competitive. This paper investigates the extent to which constitutional provisions determine state-local relations as against the macrostructure of intergovernmental relations between the federal government and states. The authors argue that it is difficult to expect a cooperative, interdependent, state-local IGR through constitutional provisions of the powers and rights of local governments, if the federal-state relations, which should be the determining framework of IGR is inclusive, hierarchical and dependent. The paper suggests that the lower forms of IGR in a federation (e.g. the state-local IGR), largely depend on the super-structure, which is that between the federal government and the lower tiers. The implication is that the level of autonomy enjoyed by local governments largely depends on the level of autonomy the states themselves enjoy.

Resumen Nigeria tiene dificultades para establecer y mantener relaciones intergubernamentales (RIG), cooperativas e interdependientes entre los gobiernos de sus estados y los gobiernos locales (municipales), según lo dispuesto en su constitución federal, que establece poderes y derechos para estos últimos, llamados consejos de gobiernos locales (LGCs). A pesar de las disposiciones constitucionales, las RIG entre estados y LGCs siguen siendo inclusivas, jerárquicas, dependientes y competitivas. Este artículo discute hasta qué punto las disposiciones constitucionales determinan las relaciones entre esos dos niveles de gobierno en comparación con la macroestructura de RIG entre los gobiernos federal y de los estados. El estudio indica que es difícil esperar RIG cooperativas e independientes entre estados y las LGCs (como resultado de disposiciones constitucionales que otorgan poderes y derechos a los gobiernos locales), si la RIG entre la federación y los estados (que debería servir como estructura modelo) sigue siendo inclusiva, jerárquica y dependiente. Los hallazgos sugieren que las relaciones entre los niveles de gobierno locales y de los estados en una federación dependen en gran medida de cómo se coloca la superestructura, que es la que involucra al gobierno federal en su interacción con los demás niveles. Esta condición muestra que el nivel de autonomía de los gobiernos locales depende, en gran parte, del nivel de autonomía de los estados federados.

Resumo A Nigéria encontra dificuldades em estabelecer e sustentar relações intergovernamentais (RIG), cooperativas e interdependentes, entre governos estaduais e locais, como previsto em sua constituição federal que estabelece poderes e direitos a esses últimos, denominados conselhos de governo local (LGCs). Apesar das disposições constitucionais, as RIG entre estados e LGCs permanecem inclusivas, hierárquicas, dependentes e competitivas. Este artigo discute até que ponto as disposições constitucionais determinam as relações entre esses dois níveis de governo, em comparação com a macroestrutura de RIGs entre governos federal e estaduais. O estudo indica que é difícil esperar RIGs cooperativas e independentes entre estados e LGCs (como resultado de disposições constitucionais que concedem poderes e direitos aos governos locais), se a RIG entre a federação e os estados (que deve servir de estrutura-modelo) segue sendo inclusiva, hierárquica e dependente. As conclusões sugerem que as relações entre os níveis locais e estaduais de governo em uma federação dependem amplamente da forma como se coloca a superestrutura, que é aquela que envolve o governo federal em sua interação com os demais níveis. Essa condição mostra que o nível de autonomia dos governos locais depende, em grande parte, do nível de autonomia dos estados federados.

Intergovernmental relations for environmental governance: Cases of solid waste management and climate change in two Malaysian States.

Institutions for environmental governance evolve differently across sectors. They also vary in the same sector when governments at two levels (national and subnational) have different political alignments. As the policy environment becomes more complex, with global problems like climate change, and politics more dividing, better coordination among various levels of government is a tough governance challenge. Scholars and practitioners need to realize how best to build institutions to bridge the various levels of government in different political environments and environmental sectors. This research analyzes the influence of intergovernmental relations in two environmental sectors in two localities with contrasting political alignments between two levels of government. It draws lessons from solid waste management and climate policy in two Malaysian states (Johor and Penang). In an evolving State and new policy arenas, when formal institutions for intergovernmental relations may not be effectively in place, politics play an even larger role through the discretionary power of federal and subnational authorities. An open political process can help with the engagement of different political groups and civil society to bring legitimacy, resources and efficiency to environmental management, if it is done with robust intergovernmental institutions; otherwise, intergovernmental relations can also become a tool for zero-sum games, cronyism and patrimonialism, which can undermine policies, and result in inefficiencies and ineffectiveness in environmental management.

Os múltiplos papéis dos governos estaduais na política educacional brasileira: os casos do Ceará, Mato Grosso do Sul, São Paulo e Pará / Los múltiplos papeles de los gobiernos subnacionales en la política educacional brasileña: los casos del Ceará, Mato Grosso do Sul, São Paulo e Pará / Multiple roles of state governments in the Brazilian education policy: the cases of Ceará, Mato Grosso do Sul, São Paulo and Pará

Resumo A literatura sobre federalismo aponta que a coordenação do governo federal tem papel central para garantir maior consistência às políticas sociais dos governos subnacionais. Este artigo buscou compreender o papel das relações intergovernamentais nas políticas municipais de educação. Apesar de a Constituição Federal determinar a colaboração entre os entes federados, há diferentes modelos de relacionamento entre estados e municípios na política educacional. Esta pesquisa comparou quatro estados - Ceará, Mato Grosso do Sul, São Paulo e Pará - com modelos distintos de relacionamento com o objetivo de identificar seus resultados nas políticas municipais. A análise de questionários e entrevistas semiestruturadas mostra que o tipo de cooperação tem implicações na capacidade institucional e financeira, na coordenação das políticas municipais e na implementação de políticas federais.

Resumen La literatura sobre federalismo muestra que la coordinación del gobierno federal es central para garantizar mayor consistencia en las políticas sociales en gobiernos subnacionales. Este artículo busca comprender el rol de las relaciones intergubernamentales en las políticas educacionales locales. La Constitución Federal determinó la colaboración entre los entes, pero hay diferentes modelos de relaciones entre estados y municipios en esta política. Esta investigación se basó en la comparación de cuatro estados - Ceará, Mato Grosso do Sul, São Paulo y Pará - con diferentes modelos de relaciones buscando identificar sus resultados en las políticas municipales. La análisis de cuestionarios y entrevistas semi-estructuradas muestra que la cooperación tiene implicaciones en la capacidad institucional y financiera, en la coordinación de las políticas municipales y en la implementación de políticas federales.

Abstract The literature on federalism shows that the coordination of the Brazilian federal government is central to guarantee more consistency in social policies of subnational governments. This article aims to understand the role of intergovernmental relations in municipal education policies. Despite the constitutional determinations of collaboration among federal entities, there are different relationship models between states and municipalities in the education policy. This study is based on the comparison of four states — Ceará, Mato Grosso do Sul, São Paulo, and Pará — with different models of relationship seeking to identify the results in municipal policies. Questionnaires and semi-structured interviews were conducted and the analysis shows that the type of cooperation has implications in institutional and financial capacities, in the coordination of municipal policies, and in the implementation of federal policies.

¿Imitación o coerción? Constituciones estatales y centralización federativa en Brasil / Imitation or coercion? State constitutions and federative centralization in Brazil / Imitação ou coerção? constituições estaduais e centralização federativa no brasil

Resumo As constituições estaduais brasileiras emulam a Carta Federal, mimetizando sua estrutura e reproduzindo literalmente suas normas. A difusão vertical de normas constitucionais prevalece sobre a horizontal, ou seja, os estados são mais influenciados pela Constituição Federal do que influenciam uns aos outros. Em parte, essa difusão top-down ocorre por imitação, mas é também determinada por coerção, reforçada por decisões judiciais. A originalidade no constitucionalismo estadual brasileiro surge mais em diferentes maneiras de emular a Constituição Federal do que pela criação de normas próprias, fazendo do constitucionalismo estadual mais uma evidência do centralismo dessa federação, ao menos no que concerne à produção de normas jurídicas. O artigo analisa tal fenômeno comparando quantitativamente os textos constitucionais estaduais e federal e avaliando as condições históricas de sua elaboração.

Resumen Las constituciones estatales brasileñas emulan la Carta Federal, copiando su estructura y reproduciendo literalmente sus normas. La difusión vertical de las normas constitucionales prevalece sobre la horizontal, es decir, los estados están más influenciados por la Constitución Federal de lo que se influyen mutuamente. En parte, esta difusión de arriba hacia abajo ocurre por imitación, pero también está determinada por la coerción, reforzada por decisiones judiciales. La originalidad en el constitucionalismo estatal brasileño surge más en diferentes formas de emular la Constitución Federal que mediante la creación de sus propias normas, haciendo del constitucionalismo estatal una prueba adicional del centralismo de esta federación, al menos en lo que se refiere a la producción de normas jurídicas. El artículo analiza este fenómeno comparando cuantitativamente los textos constitucionales estatales y federales y evaluando las condiciones históricas de su elaboración.

Abstract The Brazilian states' constitutions emulate the Federal Constitution, mimicking its structure and reproducing its norms word for word. Vertical diffusion of constitutional norms prevails over horizontal diffusion of norms, that is, states are more influenced by the federal constitution than they are by each other. In part, this top-down diffusion occurs through imitation, but it is also determined by coercion, reinforced by judicial decisions. Originality in Brazilian state constitutionalism owes more to the different ways of emulating the Federal Constitution than to the creation of its own norms, making state constitutionalism additional evidence of the centralism of this federation, at least in regard to the production of legal standards. This article analyzes this phenomenon by quantitatively comparing the state and federal constitutional texts and assessing the historical conditions of their drafting.

Does government oversight improve access to nursing home care? Longitudinal evidence from US counties.

Gains in life expectancy around the world have increasingly placed pressure on governments to ensure that the elderly receive assistance with activities of daily living. This research examines the impact of government oversight of Medicaid payment policies on access to nursing home care services in the United States. Variation in price levels induced by a federal policy shift in 1997 is used to identify the effect of Medicaid reimbursements on the number of nursing homes and beds available. Court rulings prior to the policy change are used to categorically define a range of oversight treatments at the state level. Difference-in-differences estimates indicate a significant decline in access to nursing home care services for individuals living in states in which courts consistently ruled that Medicaid reimbursements did not meet the minimum standard implied by federal law. The findings suggest that nursing home care services were made more accessible through a combination of legislative and judicial oversight of Medicaid payment policies.

Federalism and health policy: the intergovernmental committees in Brazil / Federalismo e política de saúde: comissões intergovernamentais no Brasil

OBJECTIVE To analyze the dynamics of operation of the Bipartite Committees in health care in the Brazilian states. METHODS The research included visits to 24 states, direct observation, document analysis, and performance of semi-structured interviews with state and local leaders. The characterization of each committee was performed between 2007 and 2010, and four dimensions were considered: (i) level of institutionality, classified as advanced, intermediate, or incipient; (ii) agenda of intergovernmental negotiations, classified as diversified/restricted, adapted/not adapted to the reality of each state, and shared/unshared between the state and municipalities; (iii) political processes, considering the character and scope of intergovernmental relations; and (iv) capacity of operation, assessed as high, moderate, or low. RESULTS Ten committees had advanced level of institutionality. The agenda of the negotiations was diversified in all states, and most of them were adapted to the state reality. However, one-third of the committees showed power inequalities between the government levels. Cooperative and interactive intergovernmental relations predominated in 54.0% of the states. The level of institutionality, scope of negotiations, and political processes influenced Bipartite Committees’ ability to formulate policies and coordinate health care at the federal level. Bipartite Committees with a high capacity of operation predominated in the South and Southeast regions, while those with a low capacity of operations predominated in the North and Northeast. CONCLUSIONS The regional differences in operation among Bipartite Interagency Committees suggest the influence of historical-structural variables (socioeconomic development, geographic barriers, characteristics of the health care system) in their capacity of intergovernmental health care management. However, structural problems can be overcome in some states through institutional ...

OBJETIVO : Analisar a dinâmica de funcionamento das Comissões Intergestores Bipartites em saúde, nos estados do Brasil. MÉTODOS : A pesquisa compreendeu visitas a 24 estados, observação direta, análise documental e realização de entrevistas semiestruturadas com dirigentes estaduais e municipais. A caracterização das comissões de 2007 a 2010 considerou quatro dimensões: (i) institucionalidade, classificada como avançada, intermediária ou incipiente; (ii) conteúdo das negociações intergovernamentais, qualificado como diversificado/restrito, aderente/não aderente à realidade estadual e compartilhado/não compartilhado entre estado e municípios; (iii) processo político, considerando o caráter e a intensidade das relações intergovernamentais; e (iv) capacidade de atuação, avaliada como elevada, moderada ou baixa. RESULTADOS : Dez comissões apresentaram institucionalidade avançada. O conteúdo das negociações foi diversificado em todos os estados e na maioria aderente à realidade estadual. Entretanto, um terço das comissões expressaram assimetrias de poder entre esferas de governo. Relações intergovernamentais cooperativas e interativas predominaram em 54,0% dos estados. As dimensões de institucionalidade, conteúdo das negociações e processo político influenciaram a capacidade de atuação das Comissões Intergestores Bipartites na formulação da política e na coordenação federativa em saúde. Predominaram comissões com capacidade de atuação elevada nas regiões Sul e Sudeste e comissões com capacidade de atuação baixa no Norte e Nordeste. CONCLUSÕES : A variação regional entre as comissões sugere a influência de condicionantes ...

Implementing health care reform in the United States: intergovernmental politics and the dilemmas of institutional design.

The Affordable Care Act (ACA) was enacted, and continues to operate, under conditions of political polarization. In this article, we argue that the law's intergovernmental structure has amplified political conflict over its implementation by distributing governing authority to political actors at both levels of the American federal system. We review the ways in which the law's demands for institutional coordination between federal and state governments (and especially the role it preserves for governors and state legislatures) have created difficulties for rolling out health-insurance exchanges and expanding the Medicaid program. By way of contrast, we show how the institutional design of the ACA's regulatory reforms of the insurance market, which diminish the reform's political salience, has allowed for considerably less friction during the implementation process. This article thus highlights the implications of multi-level institutional designs for the post-enactment politics of major reforms.

Colegiados de Gestão Regional no estado do Rio de Janeiro: atores, estratégias e negociação intergovernamental / Regional Management Boards (CGR): actors, strategies and intergovernmental negotiations

O estudo analisou a conformação dos Colegiados de Gestão Regional (CGRs) no estado do Rio de Janeiro, no contexto do Pacto pela Saúde, a partir de quatro dimensões principais: indução e implantação inicial, institucionalidade, processo político e padrões de relacionamento (intergovernamental e entre organismos de gestão compartilhada) e capacidade de atuação dos CGRs. Foram identificados os principais atores envolvidos e as estratégias utilizadas no processo de implantação, bem como a dinâmica de funcionamento e o conteúdo das negociações nessas instâncias regionais. A implantação dos CGRs no Rio de Janeiro ocorreu tardiamente se comparado a outros estados do Brasil, acompanhando, no entanto, o padrão de desenvolvimento das políticas de regionalização no estado. Percebeu-se que o funcionamento dessas instâncias de negociação e pactuação intergovernamental apresentou variações entre as regiões, relacionadas, principalmente, à preexistência de práticas de planejamento, estruturas e mecanismos de cogestão regional. Em relação às potencialidades e desafios dos CGRs, observou-se que, embora constituídas recentemente, essas instâncias lograram promover maior integração entre os entes governamentais nos espaços regionais. Além disso, favoreceram a troca de experiência e o aprendizado entre os gestores, particularmente em relação às políticas públicas de saúde. No entanto, o trabalho empírico sugere que ainda é preciso avançar no que diz respeito ao desenvolvimento de uma cultura de planejamento regional, que possibilite maior autonomia das regiões no desenvolvimento de políticas ajustadas a suas próprias realidades. Nesse processo, a função indutora e coordenadora atribuída à esfera estadual será de extrema importância.

The study analyzed the conformation of the Regional Management Boards (CGRs) in the state of Rio de Janeiro, in the context of the Health Pact, based on four key dimensions: induction and initial deployment, institution, political process and relationship patterns (intergovernmental and between joint management organisms) and capacity for action of CGRs. The main actors involved and the strategies used in the deployment process and the dynamics of the operation and content of negotiations in these regional bodies were identified. The deployment of CGRs was late in Rio de Janeiro as compared with other Brazilian states, following, however, the pattern of development of regionalization policies in the state. It was noticed that the functioning of these bodies and intergovernmental negotiation pact showed variations between regions, mainly related to preexisting planning practices, structures and mechanisms for regional co-management. Regarding the potential and challenges of CGRs, it was observed that although recently established, these instances succeeded in promoting greater integration between government agencies in regional areas. Moreover, they favored the exchange of experience and learning among managers, particularly in relation to public health policies. However, empirical work suggests that it is still necessary to move forward with regard to the development of a culture of regional planning, which allows greater autonomy for regions in developing policies adjusted to their own realities. In this process, the inducing and coordinating function assigned to the state level will be of utmost importance.