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1.
Soc Sci Diliman ; 14(2): 26-48, 2018.
Artigo em Inglês | MEDLINE | ID: mdl-35370534

RESUMO

This article examines the malaria problem among Chinese migrant laborers in Manchuria, particularly laborers on the South Manchuria Railway's mining sites, the Fushun Mines, during the first half of the twentieth century. Almost all of the malaria cases in Manchuria were caused by the parasite Plasmodium vivax, which rarely causes death but leads to debilitation and makes sufferers susceptible to other illnesses. Malaria epidemics in Manchuria during this period were the result of Japan's economic and military exploitation. The expansion of malaria mosquito habitats caused by large-scale constructions and development of mines and massive immigration for these industries led to these epidemics. Most of the malaria victims were Chinese laborers who worked for Japanese businesses and no less than two-thirds of these patients were reportedly from Fushun, where the Fushun Mines were located. The living and working conditions of the laborers made them vulnerable to various diseases, including malaria. As Japanese employers concentrated on the human-centered approach to malaria control general sanitary reforms were often ignored. After the promulgation of the Five-Year Industrial Development Plan of Manchukuo and the outbreak of the Second-Sino Japanese War, Japanese authorities' attitude to malaria among Chinese laborers changed dramatically. A steady supply of labor was essential to enable the production of more coal for the war-efforts as the Fushun Mines were designated a key industry for Japan's national defense. To achieve this manpower efficiency was crucial but malaria epidemics decreased the productivity of labor. As the coal shortage was considered a great obstacle for Japanese and Manchukuo industries, as well as for the conduct of the war, the malaria problem among Chinese laborers could no longer be ignored.

2.
Artigo em Coreano | WPRIM (Pacífico Ocidental) | ID: wpr-226812

RESUMO

This paper explores the history of the biomedical construction of women's bodies as social bodies in the formation of colonial modernity in Korea. To do so, I engage with Michel Foucault's concepts of governmentality and biopolitics and the postcolonial history of medicine that has critically revisited these Foucauldian notions. These offer critical insights into the modern calculation of population and the biomedical gaze on female bodies on the Korean Peninsula under Japan's colonial rule (1910-1945). Foucauldian reflections on governmentality and colonial medicine can also shed light on the role of biomedical physicians in the advancement of colonial biopolitics. Biomedical physicians-state and non-state employees and colonizers and colonized alike - served as key agents investigating, knowing, and managing, as well as proliferating a discourse about, women's bodies and reproduction during Japan's empire-building. In particular, this paper sheds light on the processes by which Korean women's bodies became the objects of intense scrutiny as part of an attempt to quantify, as well as maximize, the total population in late colonial Korea. In the aftermath of the establishment of the Manchurian puppet state in 1932, Japanese imperial and colonial states actively sought to mobilize Koreans as crucial human resources for the further penetration of Japan's imperial holdings into the Chinese continent. State and non-state medical doctors meticulously interrogated, recorded, and circulated knowledge about the sexual and conjugal practices and reproductive life of Korean women in the agricultural sector, for the purposes of measuring and increasing the size, health, and vitality of the colonial population. At the heart of such medical endeavors stood the Investigative Committee for Social Hygiene in Rural Korea and Japan-trained Korean medical students/physicians, including Ch'oe Ug-sok, who carried out a social hygiene study in the mid-1930s. Their study illuminates the ways in which Korean women's bodies entered the modern domain of scientific knowledge at the intersection of Japan's imperialism, colonial governmentality, and biomedicine. A critical case study of the Investigative Committee's study and Ch'oe can set the stage for clarifying the vestiges as well as the reformulation of knowledge, ideas, institutions, and activities of colonial biopolitics in the divided Koreas.


Assuntos
Feminino , Humanos , Colonialismo/história , Conhecimentos, Atitudes e Prática em Saúde , História do Século XX , Corpo Humano , Japão , Coreia (Geográfico) , Política , Reprodução , Comportamento Sexual , Mulheres/história
3.
Artigo em Coreano | WPRIM (Pacífico Ocidental) | ID: wpr-44556

RESUMO

This paper aims to examine the spread of paragonimiasis and the Japanese colonial government's response to it. To consolidate colonial rule, the Japanese colonial government needed medications to cure paragonimiasis. When Dr. Ikeda Masakata invented acid emetine to cure paragonimiasis in Manchuria in 1915, emetine treatment carried the risk of emetine poisoning such as fatigue, inappetence, heart failure, and death. Nonetheless, Japanese authorities forced clinical trials on human patients in colonial Korea during the 1910s and 1920s. The emetine poisoning accident in Yeongheung and Haenam counties in 1927 occurred in this context. The Japanese government concentrated on terminating an intermediary host instead of injecting emetine to repress endemic disease in Japan. However, the Japanese colonial government pushed ahead with emetine injections for healthy men through the Preliminary Bureau of Land Research in colonial Korea in 1917. This clinical trial simultaneously presented the effects and the side effects of emetine injection. Because of the danger emetine injections posed, the colonial government investigated only the actual condition of paragonimiasis, delaying the use of emetine injection. Kobayashi Harujiro(1884-1969), a leading zoologist and researcher of endemic disease for three decades in the Government General Hospital and Keijo Imperial University in colonial Korea, had used emetine while researching paragonimiasis, but he did not play a leading role in clinical trials with emetine injections, perhaps because he mainly researched the intermediary host. Government General Hospital and Keijo Imperial University therefore faced limitations that kept them from leading the research on endemic disease. As the health administration shifted the central colonial government to local colonial government, the local colonial government pressed ahead with emetine injections for Korean patients. Emetine poisoning had something to do with medical power's localization. Nevertheless, the central colonial government still supported emetine injections with funds from the national treasury. The emetine poisoning accident that occurred simultaneously in two different regions resulted from the Japanese colonial government's support. This accident represented the Japanese colonial rule's atrocity, its suppression of hygiene policies, and its disdain for colonial inhabitants. The colonial government sought to accumulate medical knowledge not to cure endemic disease, but to expand the Japanese Empire.


Assuntos
Humanos , Masculino , Ensaios Clínicos como Assunto/história , Colonialismo/história , Emetina/história , Doenças Endêmicas/história , História do Século XX , Experimentação Humana/história , Japão , Coreia (Geográfico) , Paragonimíase/tratamento farmacológico
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