First records of hydroid epibionts on the introduced macroalga Gracilariaparvispora in the Mexican Pacific.

Background: The red macroalga Gracilariaparvispora is an introduced species in the Mexican Pacific. To date, there are no published studies on its sessile epibionts, including the hydrozoans and bryozoans, which are the dominant epibionts on macrophytes and of significant biological and economic interest. New information: This study provides insight into the faunal diversity of hydroids growing on G.parvispora. A total of 185 thalli from both herbarium specimens and field samples collected from five sites in La Paz Bay were revised. Each thallus size and the presence of hydroid epibionts in each thallus region were registered. Eight different hydrozoan taxa were growing on the red macroalgae, including the first recorded observation of Obeliaoxydentata in the Gulf of California. The sizes of the collected thalli were mostly under 7.0 cm, the maximum number of taxa per thallus was three and the thallus region containing the highest number of epibionts was in the middle. Significant differences were observed amongst the lengths of thalli with and without epibionts. The thalli with epibionts were larger than the thalli without epibionts. Similarly, significant differences were observed amongst the months. The pair-wise test revealed that each month exhibited distinctive epibiont taxa when compared to the others. This study highlights the lack of information on these associations. Further research is needed to understand whether introduced macroalgae can bring non-native epibiont species to an area.

Pediatric shunt failure in a resource limited Lower-Middle Income Country (LMIC) institution in La Paz, Bolivia.

BACKGROUND: Shunt failure is an undesirable but common occurrence following neurosurgical shunting for pediatric hydrocephalus. Little is known about the occurrence of failure in lower-middle income country (LMIC) settings in South America. The objective of this study was to evaluate shunt failure in the sole publicly funded pediatric hospital in La Paz, Bolivia, with limited resources. METHODS: A retrospective review of all patients at the Children's Hospital of La Paz, Bolivia (Hospital del Niño "Dr. Ovidio Aliaga Uria"), was conducted to identify all patients whose index surgical shunting for hydrocephalus was performed between 2019 and 2023. Categorical, continuous, and shunt failure data were statistically summarized. RESULTS: A total of 147 unique pediatric patients underwent index ventriculoperitoneal shunting for hydrocephalus in the study period. There were 90 (61%) male and 57 (39%) female patients, with a median age of 2.2 months at index shunting procedure. The most common surgical indications were congenital hydrocephalus (n = 95, 65%), followed by hydrocephalus secondary to congenital defect (n = 25, 17%) and tumor (n = 18, 12%). A total of 18 (12%) of patients experienced inpatient failure during index admission requiring surgical revision at a median time of 12.5 days after index shunting. Postoperative imaging (OR 2.97, P = 0.037) and postoperative infection (OR 3.26, P = 0.032) during index admission both independently and statistically predicted inpatient failure. Of the 96 patients (65%) with postoperative follow-up, 16 (n = 16/96, 17%) patients experienced outpatient failure requiring readmission to hospital and surgical revision at a median time of 3.7 months after discharge. Kaplan-Meier estimations of overall inpatient and outpatient failure in this cohort were 23% (95% CI 14-37) and 28% (95% CI 15-49), respectively. CONCLUSIONS: Both inpatient and outpatient shunt failures are significant complications in the management of pediatric hydrocephalus in La Paz, Bolivia. We identify multiple avenues to improve these outcomes which are institution-specific based on the review of these failures. Lessons learnt may be applicable to other similarly resourced institutions across South American LMICs.

Whale shark Rhyncodon typus exposure to organochlorine pesticides in the Southern Gulf of California, Mexico.

Organochlorine pesticides (OCPs) are persistent organic pollutants (POPs), characterized by their high mobility and environmental persistence, bioaccumulation, and trophic transfer. Considering the highly migratory nature and longevity of the whale shark, this species can be considered as an early warning bioindicator of regional contamination from the marine environment. This work investigated the concentration of twenty OCPs in thirty whale shark skin biopsies, collected between 2014 and 2015 in Bahía La Paz (Gulf of California, Mexico). Mean detected OCP levels were 33.99 ± 105.23 ng/g dw (dry weight), and ΣChlordane, ΣDrin, and ΣHCH showed the highest concentrations. Statistically differences in mean OCP concentration were not found by sex and size. PC1 and PC2 accounted for 68.1 % and 16.1 % of the total variance, respectively. The presence of higher levels of some pesticides than their corresponding metabolites suggests recent applications related to agricultural activity in the surrounding areas of Baja California peninsula.

Assessing pediatric neurosurgery capacity in La Paz, Bolivia: an illustrative institutional experience of a lower-middle-income country in South America.

OBJECTIVE: The current pediatric neurosurgery capacity in lower-middle-income countries (LMICs) in South America is poorly understood. Correspondingly, the authors sought to interrogate the neurosurgical inpatient experience of the sole publicly funded pediatric hospital in one of the largest regional departments of Bolivia to better understand this capacity. METHODS: A retrospective review of all neurosurgical procedures performed at the Children's Hospital of La Paz, Bolivia (Hospital del Niño "Dr. Ovidio Aliaga Uria") between 2019 and 2023 was conducted after institutional approval using a recently implemented national electronic medical record system. RESULTS: A total of 475 neurosurgical admissions satisfied inclusion for analysis over the 5-year span. The majority of admissions were from within the La Paz Department (87%) via the emergency department (77%), without private insurance (83%). The most common indications for neurosurgical intervention were trauma (35%), followed by hydrocephalus (28%), congenital disease (12%), infection (5%), and craniosynostosis (3%). Overall, the median age at time of surgery was 2.0 years, and the median operating time was 1.5 hours with a minority of intraoperative complications (2%). The most common inpatient complication was unplanned return to the operating room (19%), most commonly seen in congenital indications. At final discharge, the median postoperative length of stay was 10 days. Twenty-seven (6%) of the 475 patients died during hospitalization, most commonly seen in tumor indications. Of the 448 patients who were discharged, 299 (67%) returned for at least one follow-up appointment. CONCLUSIONS: There is restricted breadth in neurosurgical indications and outcomes achievable at the Children's Hospital of La Paz, Bolivia. As such, the capacity of pediatric neurosurgery at institutions in LMICs in South America such as this one is very limited. Identifying and prioritizing actionable interventions to improve this capacity is institution- and LMIC-dependent, and as such, future efforts will need to be tailored appropriately.

Pediatric neurosurgical medulloblastoma outcomes in La Paz, Bolivia: How a Lower Middle-Income Country (LMIC) institution in South America compares to the United States.

BACKGROUND: How pediatric medulloblastoma patients fare in Lower Middle-Income Country (LMICs) in South America is not well understood. Correspondingly, the aim of this study was to summarize the pediatric neurosurgical experience of an institution in La Paz, and compare outcomes to that of a generalized High Income Country (HIC) United States (US) experience. METHODS: A retrospective review of all pediatric neurosurgical medulloblastoma patients at the Children's Hospital of La Paz, Bolivia (Hospital del Niño "Dr. Ovidio Aliaga Uria") between 2014 and 2023 was conducted and compared to a generalized US experience abstracted from the US National Cancer Database (NCDB) and National Inpatient Sample (NIS) databases. Categorical, continuous and survival data were statistically summarized and compared. RESULTS: A total of 24 pediatric medulloblastoma patients underwent neurosurgical treatment at the Hospital del Niño. In this La Paz cohort, there were 15 (63%) males and 9 (38%) females, with a mean age of 5.6 years old at diagnosis. The majority of patients underwent subtotal resection (STR, 79%), while the remaining patients underwent biopsy only. Ten (42%) patients expired during their hospitalization, and mean length of stay overall was 39 days. Only 8 (33%) patients received adjuvant treatment after surgery. Median overall survival from diagnosis in the La Paz cohort was 1.9 months. Compared to the US databases, the La Paz cohort experienced significantly more emergency room admissions for surgery, less gross total resection, more STR, more return to operating room for ventriculoperitoneal shunting, more bacteremia, more tracheostomy procedures, more percutaneous gastrostomy placements, longer lengths of stay, less adjuvant chemotherapy, less radiation therapy, shorter follow-up, and ultimately, significantly shorter overall survival (all P < 0.050). CONCLUSIONS: Pediatric neurosurgical medulloblastoma outcomes at the Children's Hospital of La Paz, Bolivia are significantly inferior to that of a generalized US experience. Future research is required to identify institution- and country-specific initiatives to improve discrepancies between institutions in LMICs in South America compared to HICs.

Percepciones de paz y conflicto armado en actores escolares

El objetivo de este artículo es describir las percepciones de estudiantes y padres de familia relacionadas con el conflicto armado y la paz. Corresponde a un estudio cualitativo de nivel descriptivo enmarcado en el paradigma interpretativo-hermenéutico. Se emplearon los métodos análisis de discurso y teoría fundamentada, y se contó con la participación de 35 actores escolares de una institución educativa en Colombia, a quienes se les aplicó una entrevista en profundidad. Los datos fueron codificados y categorizados, y sistematizados a través del software Atlas Ti. Los resultados muestran siete categorías selectivas, 18 códigos axiales y 231 códigos abiertos, los cuales develan las distintas formas de percepción en torno a la paz y al conflicto armado de los actores escolares. Se sugieren gramáticas heterogéneas en torno a la paz y el conflicto armado con marcos interpretativos amplios y estrategias de escucha flexibles.

The objective of the article is to describe the perceptions of students and parents related to the armed conflict and peace. It corresponds to a qualitative study of descriptive level, framed in the interpretive-hermeneutical paradigm. Discourse analysis and grounded theory methods were used, and 35 school actors from an educational institution in Colombia participated, to whom an in-depth interview was applied. The data was coded, categorized, and systematized through the Atlas Ti software. The results show seven selective categories, 18 axial codes, and 231 open codes, which reveal the different forms of perception around peace and armed conflict of school actors. Heterogeneous grammars are suggested around peace and armed conflict with broad interpretive frameworks and flexible listening strategies.

Empatía, agresividad y perdón en contextos de vulnerabilidad, hostilidad y seguridad en niños y adolescentes

Introducción: El objetivo de este artículo fue identificar las variables que mejor predicen las medidas de agresión, empatía y perdón, como también las principales diferencias en contextos vulnerables, hostiles y seguros, en una muestra de niños, niñas y adolescentes pertenecientes a una población vulnerable. Método: se realizó un estudio cuantitativo transversal con una muestra no probabilística incidental de 85 participantes, se emplearon medidas psicométricas para la empatía, agresión y perdón. Los participantes fueron convocados en una fundación de atención a víctimas para realizar una entrevista y aplicar el test. Resultados: Se encontraron efectos estadísticamente significativos entre las variables del modelo verificado, donde la empatía predice la agresión en el contexto hostil, pero no en el vulnerable y seguro. A su vez, la empatía predice el perdón en los contextos vulnerables y seguros, y la agresión predice el perdón en el modelo hostil, pero no es significativo su efecto en el contexto vulnerable y seguro. Además, la empatía tiene un papel clave en la comprensión del perdón, dado que se asocia a conductas agresivas en los contextos de hostilidad, mientras que un modelo de perdón debería ser diferencial en estos contextos. Conclusiones: Los hallazgos de este estudio brindan evidencia empírica que sustenta la importancia de la implementación de estrategias para mejorar las habilidades relacionadas con la empatía en niños y adolescentes, desde la perspectiva de la educación para la paz y el perdón. Además, se demostró que los aspectos como el clima familiar, las vulnerabilidades de los contextos de riesgo y la misma cultura, pueden determinar el desarrollo de habilidades socioemocionales que favorecen el perdón, empatía y otras capacidades interpersonales.

Introduction: The aim of this study was to identify the variables that best predict measures of aggression, empathy, and forgiveness, as well as the main differences in vulnerable, hostile and safe contexts, in a sample of children and adolescents belonging to a vulnerable population. Method: A cross-sectional quantitative study was conducted with a non-probabilistic incidental sample of 85 participants. Psychometric measures of empathy, aggression, and forgiveness were used. The participants were invited to a victim assistance foundation for an interview and test application. Results: Statistically significant effects were found among the variables in the verified model, where empathy predicts aggression in the hostile context, but not in the vulnerable and safe context. In turn, empathy predicts forgiveness in the vulnerable and safe contexts, and aggression predicts forgiveness in the hostile model, but its effect in the vulnerable and safe context is not significant. Furthermore, empathy plays a key role in understanding forgiveness, given that it is associated with aggressive behaviors in the hostile contexts, whereas a forgiveness model should be differential in these contexts. Conclusions: The findings of this study provide empirical evidence that supports the importance of implementing strategies to improve empathy-related skills in children and adolescents, from the perspective of peace education and forgiveness. In addition, it was shown that aspects such as family climate, vulnerabilities of risk contexts and culture itself, can determine the development of socioemotional skills that favor forgiveness, empathy, and other interpersonal skills.

Creencias Sociales sobre la paz: entre deseos imposibles, una paz imperfecta y obstáculos ciudadanos a la paz negociada en Colombia / Social Beliefs about Peace: Between Impossible Desires, an Imperfect Peace, and Citizen Obstacles to Negotiated Peace in Colombia

Resumen: El presente texto tiene como objetivo comprender creencias sociales sobre la paz y la negociación política en el marco del conflicto armado colombiano en 304 ciuda danos de 12 municipios del país, para determinar de qué manera algunas de ellas se constituyen en barreras psicosociales para la construcción de la paz y la recon ciliación en Colombia. Pudo concluirse que los participantes tienen un núcleo de creencias sociales en torno a la paz, referida como tranquilidad, armonía, orden, seguridad, ausencia de conflicto y serenidad interior, que enlaza con conceptos propios de la 'paz liberal' en tanto el Estado es quien mantendría este orden y seguridad; niegan a su vez, la posibilidad de disenso, contradicción, oposición, protesta y rebeldía, aun cuando este orden establecido produzca situaciones de injusticia y exclusión, puesto que primaría el mantenimiento de esta 'paz'. En este contexto quienes se oponen al Estado o al poder establecido serán considera dos enemigos y se legitima su señalamiento, estigmatización, exclusión y elimina ción; además, se cierran puertas para la negociación política con actores armados que enarbolen una contradicción a estos sistemas sociales, puesto que, son consi derados 'delincuentes' y portadores de maldad, al alterar la tranquilidad, la se guridad y la armonía, configurándose así unas barreras psicosociales para la paz.

Abstract: The objective of this text is to understand social beliefs about peace and politi cal negotiation in the context of the Colombian armed conflict in 304 citizens of 12 municipalities in the country, in order to determine how some of them cons titute psychosocial barriers to peace building and reconciliation in Colombia. It was possible to conclude that the participants have a core of social beliefs about peace, referred to as tranquility, harmony, order, security, absence of conflict, and inner serenity, which is linked to concepts of 'liberal peace' insofar as the State is the one who would maintain this order and security. They deny, in turn, the possibility of dissent, contradiction, opposition, protest, and rebellion, even when this established order produces situations of injustice and exclusion, since the maintenan ce of this 'peace' would take precedence. In this context, those who oppose the State or the es tablished power are considered enemies, and they are legitimized to be singled out, stigmatized, excluded, and eliminated. Furthermore, the doors are closed to political negotiation with armed stakeholders who contradict these social systems, since they are considered 'criminals' and bea rers of evil, by altering tranquility, security, and harmony; thus creating psychosocial barriers to peace.

Trampas al recuerdo, olvidos inducidos y memorias sesgadas. Representaciones sociales de hechos históricos

Las representaciones sociales en torno a los hechos históricos del conflicto armado, están marcada por un sesgo cognitivo y mnémico, acompañado de olvidos y silencios y por procesos de atribución de responsabilidad en los que se asume como principal responsable y enemigo absoluto a las guerrillas, especialmente a las FARC-EP. Esto invisibiliza la responsabilidad de los otros actores (Paramilitares, Fuerza Pública y Estado), generando olvidos convenientes e inducidos que son funcionales a los intereses de ciertos sectores sociales que ostentan el poder político, económico y mediático, que promueven impunidad y contribuyen al mantenimiento de la violencia política para detentar su poder. Estos procesos de memoria hegemónica se constituyen en barrera psicosocial para la construcción de la paz, la democracia y la reconciliación en Colombia.

Social representations around the historical facts of the armed conflict are marked by a cognitive and mnemic bias, accompanied by forgetfulness and silences, and by processes of attribution of responsibility in which the guerrillas, especially the FARC-EP, are assumed as the main responsible and absolute enemy. This makes the responsibility of the other stakeholders (paramilitaries, security forces, and the State) invisible, by generating a convenient and induced oblivion, which is functional to the interests of certain social sectors that hold political, economic, and media power, which promote impunity and contribute to the maintenance of political violence in order to maintain their power. These hegemonic memory processes constitute a psychosocial barrier to the construction of peace, democracy, and reconciliation in Colombia.

La visión de paz del Episcopado colombiano en los gobiernos Uribe (2002-2010)

Este artículo revisó la visión de paz del Episcopado colombiano en los gobiernos de Álvaro Uribe (2002-2010). La constante participación de los prelados en los procesos de paz ha escapado de la atención de la investigación académica, y no ha tenido en su visión de la paz su foco de interés. Este artículo, desde el paradigma hermenéutico-crítico, y el método de Análisis Crítico del Discurso, concluye que dicha participación ha estado marcada por su postura a favor de la paz positiva, que no solo establece la ausencia de guerra y violencia directa, sino también la presencia de la justicia social.

This article reviewed the Colombian Episcopate's vision of peace under Alvaro Uribe's Governments (2002-2010). The constant participation of the prelates in peace processes has escaped the attention of academic research, and their vi sion of peace has not been their focus of interest. This article, from the hermeneutic-critical paradigm, and the method of Critical Discourse Analysis, concludes that such participation has been marked by their stance in favor of positive peace, which not only establishes the absence of war and direct violence, but also the presence of social justice.

An epidemiological evaluation of COVID-19 in La paz, Bolivia.

INTRODUCTION: The Plurinational State of Bolivia (Bolivia) has experienced four major waves of coronavirus disease 2019 (COVID-19) so far. Although the ministry of health has been tracking morbidity and mortality through each wave, epidemiology of COVID-19 in Bolivia is not well defined, despite a need for more accurate measurement of the number of cases and deaths to allow for forecasting of the pandemic. This study examined prevalence of COVID-19 at community level, determinants of its occurrence and vaccine effectiveness. METHODS: We conducted a cross-sectional study in La Paz city on 2,775 individuals between March 2020 and February 2022. A structured questionnaire was used to collect data on COVID-19 morbidity, mortality and vaccination status. RESULTS: Of the 2,775 participants, 1,586 (57.1%) were infected with COVID-19, and 187 (6.7%) were suspected cases. The mortality rate was 2.9%. Sinopharm, Johnson & Johnson, Gamaleya, Pfizer-BioNtech, Moderna and AstraZeneka vaccines are in use, and all vaccines have demonstrated effectiveness in reducing the risk of onset. Risk for mortality was significantly lower in the vaccinated group with an odds ratio of 0.037 (95％ confidential interval: 0.01-0.10, p-value: <0.001). CONCLUSIONS: Actual prevalence of COVID-19 in La Paz (the prevalence rate: 63.8%, including suspected case) was higher than that reported by the Ministry of Health and Sports in Bolivia (7.5%). In addition, vaccination has contributed significantly to the control of the COVID-19 epidemic in Bolivia. We believe that our report will be useful for COVID-19 prevention strategies in Bolivia for the future.

Defectos del tubo neural en recien nacidos en el hospital de la mujer / Neural tube defects in newborns in women's hospital

OBJETIVO: Conocer la prevalencia al nacimiento de los defectos del tubo neural en recién nacidos del Hospital de la Mujer, La Paz, Bolivia, período comprendido entre el año 2008 - 2017. DISEÑO METODOLÓGICO: Observacional, descriptivo, de corte transversal, retrospectivo. LUGAR: Hospital de la Mujer, a 3650 m.s.n.m. La Paz, Bolivia. MÉTODOS: Se examinaron los expedientes clínicos de todos los recién nacidos del Hospital de la Mujer, en período ya establecido. Para la detección de anomalías congénitas, se utilizaron libros de registro de nacimientos. Se ingresaron los datos a una base Excel, se procedió al análisis de los mismos a través del uso de la estadística descriptiva. RESULTADOS: Se recurrió a registros de 58120 expedientes de recién nacidos, se presentaron 1269 casos con Anomalías Congénitas (2.2%) con una prevalencia al Nacimiento (PN) de 21.83/10.000 RN (22.57/10.000 RN vivos). De dichos 1269 casos, 69 (5.44%) correspondieron a Defectos del Tubo Neural (DTN), con una PN de 11.87/10.000 RN (12.27/10.000 RN vivos), 59.42% DTN asociados al sexo masculino. El tipo de DTN más frecuente evidenciado fue Mielomeningocele (52.17%), y los DTN mortinatos representan el 17.39%. CONCLUSIONS: La llamativa diferencia encontrada, (en relación a la predilección por el sexo masculino), podría sugerir la presencia de una carga genética cuantitativamente mayor (propia de la población estudiada) en la etiología de los DTN en nuestro medio, ya que cuando las condiciones multifactoriales como los DTN afectan al sexo menos frecuentemente descrito, se puede asumir un peso mayor de los factores genéticos en relación a factores ambientales, siguiendo conceptos de heredabilidad y la teoría del umbral para este modo de herencia, sin embargo, somos conscientes que se requiere un tamaño de muestra mayor para arribar a conclusiones más certeras, dichos factores se adicionan al subregistro y posibles sesgos de registro evidenciados durante la realización del estudio.

OBJECTIVE: To know the prevalence at birth of neural tube defects in newborns at Hospital de La Mujer, La Paz, Bolivia, 3650 m.a.s.l, period between 2008 - 2017. PLACE: Women's Hospital, La Paz, Bolivia. METHODS: Observational, descriptive, cross-sectional, retrospective. The clinical records of all newborns were examined, in an already established period. For the detection of congenital anomalies, birth registration books were used. The data were entered into an Excel database, and analyzed through the use of descriptive statistics. RESULTS: 58120 newborn records were examined, 1269 cases with Congenital Anomalies (2.2%) with a prevalence at Birth (PB) of 21.83/10.000 RN (22.57/10.000 RN alive) were presented. Of these 1269 cases, 69 (5,44%) corresponded to Neural Tube Defects (NTD), with a PB of 11.87/10,000 RN (12.27/10,000 RN alive), 59.42% DTN associated with the male sex. The most frequent type of NTD evidenced was Myelomeningocele (52.17%), and stillborn DTNs represented 17.39%. CONCLUSIONS: The distinctive difference found (predilection of NTD for the male sex), could suggest the presence of a quantitatively greater genetic load (typical of the population studied) in the etiology of NTDs in our environment, since when multifactorial conditions affect the less frequently described sex, a greater weight of genetic factors can be assumed compared to environmental factors, following concepts of heritability and the threshold theory for this mode of inheritance; however, we are aware that a larger sample size is needed to arrive at more accurate conclusions, these factors are added to the underreporting and possible recording biases evidenced during the study.

Decepción, fatalismo y esperanza: oposiciones emocionales y polarización en torno a la paz negociada en 9 ciudades de Colombia / Disappointment, Fatalism, and Hope: Emotional Oppositions and Polarization around Negotiated Peace in 9 Colombian Cities

Resumen Las Orientaciones Emocionales Colectivas en relación con el proceso de paz entre el Estado colombiano y las Fuerzas Armadas Revolucionarias de Colombia, Ejército del Pueblo (FARC-EP) evidencian emocionales que configuran oposiciones y polarización, según los participantes estén o no de acuerdo con el proceso de paz. Durante la negociación los participantes 'de acuerdo', manifestaban esperanza, tranquilidad y alivio, mientras aquéllos 'en desacuerdo', desconfianza e indignación. Después del plebiscito los primeros, tristeza, decepción y frustración, mientras los segundos alegría y celebración. Finalmente, durante la implementación, los primeros expresan desconfianza, temor e incertidumbre, mientras los segundos indignación. Estas disposiciones emocionales movilizan creencias, actitudes hacia la polarización, obturando diálogos y debates democráticos; constituyendo un clima emocional de fatalismo y resignación como barrera psicosocial para la construcción de paz y reconciliación.

Abstract Collective Emotional Orientations in relation to the peace process between the Colombian State and the Revolutionary Armed Forces of Colombia, People's Army (FARC-EP) evidence emotional oppositions and polarization, depending on whether participants agree or disagree with the peace process. During the negotiation, the participants "in agreement" expressed hope, tranquility and relief, while those "in disagreement" expressed distrust and indignation. After the plebiscite, the former, sadness, disappointment, and frustration, while the latter, joy and celebration. Finally, during implementation, the former express distrust, fear and uncertainty, while the latter indignation. These emotional dispositions mobilize beliefs and attitudes toward polarization, by obstructing dialogues and democratic debates; by constituting an emotional climate of fatalism and resignation as a psychosocial barrier to the construction of peace and reconciliation.

Representaciones sociales de hechos históricos como barreras psicosociales para la construcción de la paz / Social Representations of Historical Events as Psychosocial Barriers to Peacebuilding

Resumen En el proceso de construcción de las representaciones sociales de hechos histórico (RSHH) construidas por ciudadanos del común del Valle de Aburrá (Colombia) se pudo evidenciar como a partir de valencias de poder, desde élites dominantes que hacen uso de la retórica política, los medios de comunicación y la educación básica, se producen y reproducen versiones estereotipadas de la historia. Se posiciona así una memoria hegemónica que se reproduce y desde la cual se prefabrican actores como única causa de la violencia y se exculpan otros actores que incluyen a las mismas élites, políticos y al Estado, quienes se auto determinan como víctimas y no como actores del conflicto armado en Colombia. Así, estas RSHH terminas configurando y objetivando un enemigo absoluto con el cuál es imposible una negociación política, que se traduce en una barrera para la construcción de la paz y la reconciliación en Colombia.

Abstract In the process of construction of social representations of historical facts (RSHH) built by ordinary citizens of Aburrá Valley, Colombia, it was possible to show how from power valences, from dominant elites that make use of political rhetoric, the media, and basic education, stereotyped versions of history are produced and reproduced. In this way, a hegemonic memory is reproduced and from which actors are prefabricated as the only cause of violence and other actors are exculpated, by including the same elites, politicians, and the State, who determine themselves as victims and not as actors of the armed conflict in Colombia. Thus, these RSHH end up configuring and objectifying an absolute enemy with whom political negotiation is impossible, which translates into a barrier for the construction of peace and reconciliation in Colombia.

La opinión pública colombiana sobre el acuerdo de paz 2016-2020: punitivismo, desconfianza y ostracismo / Colombian public opinion on the 2016-2020 peace agreement: punitivism, distrust and ostracism / Opinião pública colombiana sobre o acordo de paz de 2016-2020: punitivismo, desconfiança e ostracismo

Después de varias décadas de conflicto armado en Colombia, el Gobierno colombiano y las Farc-EP firmaron, en 2016, el Acuerdo Final para la terminación del conflicto y la construcción de una paz estable y duradera. No obstante, este acuerdo no fue refrendado por la ciudadanía, en un plebiscito celebrado ese mismo año. En 2018, ganó las elecciones presidenciales un candidato que prometió cambiar las condiciones del Acuerdos Final y modificar uno de sus principales instrumentos: la Jurisdicción Especial para la Paz (JEP). En ese contexto esta investigación se pregunta: ¿cuál es la opinión de los colombianos sobre el Acuerdo Final y la JEP? La investigación indaga en las opiniones de los colombianos a través de un análisis estadístico comparativo de tres encuestas de opinión de 2016, 2018 y 2020. Los resultados detallan los cambios actitudinales ocurridos en esos años, como la disminución del rechazo frontal a los Acuerdos de Paz y el leve incremento de las posibilidades de reintegración de los excombatientes a la vida civil. También, expone algunas reticencias al cambio, como la desconfianza persistente, la reafirmación del rechazo al indulto de los excombatientes (punitivismo) y a su participación política (ostracismo).

After several decades of armed conflict in Colombia, the Colombian Government and the Farc-EP signed, in 2016, the Final Agreement for the termination of the conflict and the construction of a stable and lasting peace. However, this agreement was not endorsed by the citizenry, in a plebiscite held that same year. In 2018, the presidential elections were won by a candidate who promised to change the conditions of the Final Agreement and to modify one of its main instruments: the Special Jurisdiction for Peace (JEP). In this context, this research asks: what is the opinion of Colombians on the Final Agreement and the SJP? The research inquiries into the opinions of Colombians through a comparative statistical analysis of three opinion polls from 2016, 2018 and 2020. The results detail the attitudinal changes that occurred in those years, such as the decrease in the frontal rejection of the Peace Accords and the slight increase in the possibilities of reintegration of ex-combatants to civilian life. It also exposes some reluctance to change, such as persistent distrust, the reaffirmation of the rejection of pardoning ex-combatants (punitivism) and their political participation (ostracism).

Após várias décadas de conflito armado na Colômbia, o governo colombiano e as FARC-EP assinaram, em 2016, o Acordo Final para o fim do conflito e a construção de uma paz estável e duradoura. Entretanto, este acordo não foi endossado pelos cidadãos em um plebiscito realizado no mesmo ano. Em 2018, as eleições presidenciais foram ganhas por um candidato que prometeu mudar as condições do Acordo Final e modificar um de seus principais instrumentos: a Jurisdição Especial para a Paz (JEP). Neste contexto, esta pesquisa pergunta: qual é a opinião dos colombianos sobre o Acordo Final e o SJP? A pesquisa investiga as opiniões dos colombianos através de uma análise estatística comparativa de três pesquisas de opinião de 2016, 2018 e 2020. Os resultados detalham as mudanças de atitude que ocorreram nesses anos, tais como a diminuição da rejeição direta dos Acordos de Paz e o leve aumento das possibilidades de reintegração de ex-combatentes na vida civil. Também expõe alguma relutância em mudar, como a desconfiança persistente, a reafirmação da rejeição do perdão de ex-combatentes (punitivismo) e de sua participação política (ostracismo).

O esporte para o desenvolvimento e a paz nas revistas acadêmicas brasileiras: uma revisão de literatura integrativa / Sport for development and peace in brazilian academic journals: an integrative literature review / El deporte para el desarrollo y la paz en las revistas académicas brasileñas: una revisión de literatura integrativa

Neste artigo, realizamos uma revisão de literatura integrativa através de quatro bases de dados científicas de ampla utilização no meio acadêmico brasileiro, a partir dos descritores: "Esporte e Desenvolvimento Social", "Projeto Social Esportivo" e "Projetos Sociais Esportivos". Encontramos 341 artigos, os quais foram, posteriormente e de acordo com critérios de inclusão/exclusão, reduzidos a 57 trabalhos analisados. Apresentamos aqui resultados referentes às categorias "Campo de atuação", "Ano de publicação", "Revistas" e "Resultados da pesquisa". A metodologia seguiu os passos sugeridos por Whittemore e Knafl (2005): (a) identificação do problema, (b) pesquisa da literatura, (c) avaliação dos dados, (d) análise dos dados e (e) apresentação. Os resultados de nossa pesquisa lidam com variações que consideramos significativas no contexto das categorias eleitas e sugerem interpretações para tais variações. Além disso, por fim, refletimos acerca dos limites de nossa pesquisa e das implicações deste trabalho para investigações futuras. (AU)

In this article, we carry out an integrative literature review in four databases widely used in the Brazilian academic environment, using the descriptors: "Sport and Social Development", "Sport Social Project" and "Sports Social Projects". We found 341 articles, which were, later and according to inclusion/exclusion criteria, reduced to 60 works to be analyzed. Here we present results referring to the categories "Field of action", "Year of publication", "Journals" and "Research results". The methodology followed the steps suggested by Whittemore and Knafl (2005): (a) problem identification, (b) literature search, (c) data evaluation, (d) data analysis and (e) presentation. The results of our research deal with variations that we considered significant in the context of the categories chosen and suggest interpretations for such variations. In addition, finally, we reflect on the limits of our research and the implications of this work for future research. (AU)

En este artículo, realizamos una revisión de literatura integrativa en cuatro bases de datos ampliamente utilizadas en el medio académico brasileño, a partir de los siguientes descriptores: "Deporte y Desarrollo Social", "Proyecto Social Deportivo" y "Proyectos Sociales Deportivos". Encontramos 341 artículos, los cuales fueron, posteriormente y de acuerdo con criterios de inclusión/exclusión, reducidos a 57 trabajos analizados. Presentamos aquí resultados referentes a las categorías "Campo de actuación", "Año de publicación", "Revistas" y "Resultados de la investigación". La metodología siguió los pasos sugeridos por Whittemore y Knafl (2005): (a) identificación del problema, (b) investigación de la literatura, (c) evaluación de los datos, (d) análisis de los datos y (e) presentación. Los resultados de nuestra investigación trabajan con variaciones que consideramos significativas en el contexto de las categorías elegidas y sugieren interpretaciones para tales variaciones. Además, reflexionamos acerca de los límites de nuestra investigación y de las implicaciones de este trabajo para las futuras investigaciones. (AU)

Dinámicas y tensiones entre los fines retributivos y los fines restaurativos de la pena en el modelo de justicia transicional colombiano. Un análisis desde el Acuerdo Final de paz de 2016 / Dynamics and tensions between the retributive and restorative purposes of punishment in the Colombian transitional justice model. An analysis from the 2016 Final Peace Agreement / Dinâmica e tensões entre os propósitos retributivos e restaurativos de punição no modelo de justiça transicional colombiano. Uma análise do Acordo Final de Paz de 2016

El 24 de noviembre del 2016 se firmó en Bogotá el Acuerdo final para la terminación del conflicto y la construcción de una paz estable y duradera, por el gobierno colombiano y la guerrilla de las Farc-EP. Este acuerdo creó la Jurisdicción Especial para la Paz (JEP) como parte central de un sistema de justicia transicional que privilegia la restauración frente a la retribución tradicional. Asimismo, estableció las sanciones que pueden ser impuestas a los responsables de delitos cometidos en el marco del conflicto armado colombiano y que no implican necesariamente la cárcel, lo que ha dado lugar a un abierto debate social y político. Aquí se analiza la concepción tradicional y los fines de la pena en el Derecho Penal para establecer sus diferencias con las sanciones y fines de la justicia transicional colombiana. Se concluye que este modelo trasciende los límites del Derecho Penal retributivo y ha sido desarrollado por una legislación que respeta la Constitución y los estándares del Derecho Internacional y de los derechos humanos, al tiempo que contribuye al logro de una paz con justicia en Colombia.

On November 24, 2016, the Final Agreement for the Termination of the Conflict and the Construction of a Stable and Lasting Peace, was signed in Bogota by the Colombian government and the Farc-EP (Fuerzas Armadas Revolucionarias de Colombia-Ejército del Pueblo) guerrillas. This Final Agreement created a SPJ or Special Peace Jurisdiction (J.E.P.), and a transitional justice system that privileges restoration over traditional retribution. It also established the sanctions that can be imposed on those responsible for crimes committed in the context of the Colombian armed conflict, and which do not necessarily involve prison, which has given rise to an open social and political debate. This paper analyses the traditional conception and the purposes of punishment in criminal law to establish its differences with the sanctions and purposes of Colombian transitional justice. It is concluded that this model transcends the limits of retributive criminal law and has been developed by legislation that respects the Constitution and the standards of international law and human rights, while contributing to the achievement of peace with justice in Colombia.

Em 24 de novembro de 2016, o Acordo Final para o Término do Conflito e a Construção de uma Paz Estável e Duradoura foi assinado em Bogotá pelo governo colombiano e pelos guerrilheiros das FARC-EP. Este acordo criou a Jurisdição Especial para a Paz (JEP) como parte central de um sistema de justiça de transição que privilegia a restauração em detrimento da retribuição tradicional. Também estabeleceu as sanções que podem ser impostas aos responsáveis por crimes cometidos no contexto do conflito armado colombiano e que não necessariamente envolvem a prisão, o que deu origem a um debate social e político aberto. Aqui analisamos a concepção tradicional e os objetivos da punição no direito penal a fim de estabelecer como ela difere das sanções e dos objetivos da justiça transicional colombiana. Conclui-se que este modelo transcende os limites do direito penal retributivo e foi desenvolvido por uma legislação que respeita a Constituição e as normas do direito internacional e dos direitos humanos, ao mesmo tempo em que contribui para a conquista da paz com justiça na Colômbia.

Significados y experiencias personales de perdón y reconciliación en mujeres víctimas y mujeres excombatientes de las FARC / Meanings and personal experiences of forgiveness and reconciliation in women who are victims and ex-combatents of the FARC

Este trabajo pretende comprender la experiencia subjetiva de mujeres víctimas y excombatientes de las FARC en torno al perdón y la reconciliación. Para ello, se realizó una investigación de corte cualitativo con enfoque fenomenológico-hermenéutico, basada en postulados de la psicología social crítica latinoamericana. Las técnicas para recolectar información fueron la observación participante, la entrevista en profundidad y los grupos de conversación, en donde participaron 8 víctimas y 4 excombatientes. Se realizó un análisis hermenéutico de contenido, identificando concepciones que las participantes tienen sobre perdón y reconciliación, identificando experiencias vividas. Uno de los principales hallazgos es que en el proceso para perdonar y reconciliarse, las participantes transforman su subjetividad, asumiendo reivindicar sus derechos ante el Estado y redescubriendo su humanidad después de la guerra; finalmente, las excombatientes cam-bian las armas por palabras

This work aims to understand the subjective experience of women victims and women ex-combatants of the FARC, around forgiveness and reconciliation. For this purpose, a qualitative research was conducted with a phenomenological-hermeneutic approach, based on postulates of Latin American critical social psychology. The techniques to collect information were participant observation, in-depth interview and conversation groups, in which 8 victims and 4 ex-combatants participated. a hermeneutical analysis of content was carried out, identifying conceptions that the participants have about forgiveness and reconciliation, identifying lived experiences. One of the main findings is that, in the process of forgiving and reconciling, the participants transform their subjectivity, assuming to restore their rights before the State and rediscovering their humanity after the war. Finally, ex-combatants change weapons for words

Creencias maleables y esperanza en apoyo a concesiones del acuerdo con las FARC-EP en un contexto polarizado en Colombia / Malleable Beliefs and Hope in Supporting Concessions under the Agreement with FARC-EP amidst a Polarized Context in Colombia

Resumen Introducción: Este estudio analizó el papel de creencias maleables y esperanza en la disposición para apoyar concesiones del acuerdo con las FARC-EP en un contexto de polarización política. Método: Se desarrolló un estudio no experimental con 562 ciudadanos. Resultados: Los resultados confirman que la esperanza de paz surge de una percepción general del mundo como cambiante; y por lo tanto, las personas que creen que el conflicto colombiano con las FARC-EP puede cambiar, desarrollan una actitud esperanzadora, presentando más apoyo a concesiones sobre la Jurisdicción Especial para la Paz (JEP) y la participación en política de exguerrilleros. Asimismo, se encontró que las personas con orientación política de izquierda y de centro apoyan más las concesiones del acuerdo en comparación con personas con orientación política de derecha. Conclusiones: El estudio refleja que la polarización política constituye un obstáculo para el desarrollo de creencias maleables y actitudes esperanzadoras que favorecen la desescalada del conflicto. Se presentan las implicaciones prácticas sobre la formación de actitudes que favorecen salidas constructivas del conflicto, y sobre la responsabilidad de actores políticos en la formación de creencias rígidas que constituyen barreras para la paz.

Abstract Introduction: This study analyzed the role of malleable beliefs and hope in the willingness to support controversial concessions of the peace agreement with FARC-EP, in a context of political polarization. Method: Non-experimental study with 562 citizens. Results: The results confirm that hope for peace arises from a general perception of the world as changing, and, therefore, people who believe that the Colombian conflict with FARC-EP can change develop a hopeful attitude, presenting more support for concessions on the Special Justice for Peace (JEP), and the participation of ex-guerrillas in politics. Likewise, results showed that people with a left-leaning political orientation, and those that identified as centrist, are more supportive of the concessions of the agreement, compared to people with right-wing political leanings. Conclusions: The study reflects that political polarization constitutes an obstacle to the development of malleable beliefs and hopeful attitudes that favor the de-escalation of the conflict. The practical implications are presented on the formation of attitudes that favor constructive solutions to the conflict, and on the responsibility of political actors in the formation of rigid beliefs that constitute barriers to peace.

Alerta Verde: proyecto de intervención para afrontar la violencia comunitaria hacia el alumnado universitario / Green Alert: intervention project to address community violence against university students / Alerta Verde: projeto de intervenção para enfrentar a violência comunitária contra estudantes universitários

Resumen Se presenta la experiencia del proyecto Alerta Verde, una investigación-acción participativa encaminada a afrontar la violencia comunitaria hacia el alumnado universitario en el sureste de México. El proyecto es gestionado por 15 estudiantes voluntarios, con el objetivo de generar el cuidado de la integridad personal del alumnado universitario mediante cuatro acciones que se orientan a propiciar conductas prosociales de cuidado mutuo y solidario que son: determinar sitios inseguros y sitios seguros, medidas básicas para su protección y seguridad, atención en caso de ser víctima del delito e instaurar un pase de lista virtual para monitorear su trayecto de casa a la universidad y viceversa. Al implementar este proyecto 300 alumnos aceptan participar en él. Los resultados evidencian la necesidad de involucrar activamente a la universidad e indican que la vía idónea para hacerlo es a través de los medios y tecnologías de comunicación. Se concluye que se consigue tener participación de la población al solidarizarse para cuidar la integridad personal; se requiere que las acciones sean continuas, preventivas y no como recurso emergente de hechos violentos. Es fundamental apoyar a los estudiantes universitarios que con sus propios recursos y energía han apuntado a una necesidad imperante: el derecho a resguardar su integridad personal en su paso por la universidad.

Abstract The experience of the Green Alert project is presented, a participatory action research aimed at tackling urban violence against university students in southeastern Mexico. It is managed by 15 student volunteers, the objective is to generate care for the personal integrity of university students through four actions aimed at promoting prosocial behaviors, which are: determining unsafe places and safe places, basic measures for their protection and security, attention to If you are a victim of crime, establish a virtual roll call to monitor your journey from home to university and vice versa. By implementing, it is possible to obtain acceptance by 300 students. The results show the need to actively involve the university and indicate that the best way to do it is through the media and communication technologies. It is concluded that it is possible to have participation of the population by solidarity to take care of personal integrity, it is required that the actions be continuous and preventive and not as an emerging resource from violent acts. It is important to support students who, with their own resources and energy, have pointed to a prevailing need, the right to protect their personal integrity during their time at university.

Resumo É apresentada a experiência do projeto Alerta Verde, uma pesquisa de ação participativa voltada para o enfrentamento da violência comunitária contra estudantes universitários no sudeste do México. É gerenciado por 15 alunos voluntários, o objetivo é gerar cuidados para a integridade pessoal dos universitários por meio de quatro ações voltadas para a promoção de comportamentos pró-sociais de cuidados mútuos e solidários que são: determinar locais inseguros e locais seguros, medidas básicas para sua proteção e segurança, atenção em caso de vítima de crime, estabelecer um passe de lista virtual para monitorar sua jornada de casa para a universidade e vice-versa. Ao implementar é possível obter a aceitação por 300 alunos. Os resultados mostram a necessidade de envolver ativamente a universidade e indicam que a maneira ideal de fazê-lo é através das tecnologias de mídia e comunicação. Conclui-se que é possível ter a participação da população demonstrando solidariedade para cuidar da integridade pessoal, é necessário que as ações sejam contínuas, preventivas e não como um recurso emergente de eventos violentos. É essencial apoiar estudantes universitários que, com recursos e energia próprios, apontaram para uma necessidade predominante, o direito de proteger sua integridade pessoal em seu tempo na universidade.