Furthering racial liberalism in UK higher education: The populist construction of the 'free speech crisis'.

In this article we analyse the constructed 'free speech crisis' associated with higher education (HE) in the United Kingdom (UK). We examine the media discourses from 2012 to 2022 which led to the establishment of a sense of crisis around speech in universities and, ultimately, to the Freedom of Speech Act in May 2023. We undertake a critical discourse analysis focused on the constructions of universities and university students in two major right-wing broadsheet newspapers, The Times and The Telegraph, and in the right-wing magazine The Spectator. We conceptualise the 'free speech crisis' as a discursive formation which is part of broader political efforts of conservative elites to maintain hegemony in Britain. Drawing on populism theory and race critical analyses, we argue that the 'free speech crisis' is an expression of racial liberalism and a placeholder for a deeper white anxiety over the social reproduction of elites in university spaces, and thus over (cultural) hegemony in the public sphere. We understand the desire to regulate 'free' speech in HE as an effort to prevent the emergence of an elite and (counter)hegemony different to the status quo. We make contributions to two emergent and interrelating bodies of literature: firstly, the study of populism in (post)Brexit Britain, and secondly, the study of culture wars, including iterations of the 'free speech crisis' and 'the war on woke'.

Scoping review of international relations theories in health security: A cue for health diplomacy.

Background: Health security as a domain has gained tremendous importance in the recent past. Emerging and re-emerging diseases globally, coupled with the derailment of the determinants of health mainly the socio-political environment, has made health security a cross-cutting entity in diverse fields including International Relations (IR). With the ongoing global polycrisis, the health-related issues which were previously sidelined as a concept of less strategic importance in the IR field, are now contributing to the shift of the world order. This has instilled an increased participation of IR scholars in the discussions and debates on health security concerns. The field of IR contains numerous theoretical lenses through which scholars analyze such situations, policies, and systems of the world. Methods: In this paper, we use a scoping review method to inspect how IR theories have been applied in analyzing health security concerns. Results: We observed that various diverging IR theories have been used to deliberate on states' actions in tackling the recent pandemic and have also been prescriptive about the changing notions of multilateralism and international governing organizations. Realism, liberalism, and securitization were among the most frequently applied IR theories in the context of health security discussions. Conclusions: This work provides an impetus to enhance the interaction among interdisciplinary teams leading to evolving solutions that can address issues of global importance in the contemporary world.

La corrupción de la beneficencia en los debates parlamentarios del Trienio Liberal en España (1820-1823) / A corrupção das instituições de caridade nos debates parlamentares do Triênio Liberal na Espanha (1820-1823) / The corruption of charities in the parlamentary debates of the Liberal Triennium in Spain (1820-1823)

Una de las principales novedades del debate parlamentariode la ley de beneficencia en el Trienio Liberal radicó en lasdelaciones de irregularidades en la gestión de este tipo deestablecimientos. La meta principal de este estudio es analizardichas denuncias sobre la base de una triple diferenciación:las que apuntan a las irregularidades debidas a una malagestión de los recursos económicos, las que se refieren ala administración concejil y las que tienen que ver con ladejadez de quienes cuidaban a los menesterosos en talescasas. Los debates parlamentarios del Trienio liberal en laLey de Beneficencia se constituyen como fuente principaldel estudio. Metodológicamente se aborda el análisis de lasintervenciones de los diputados que participaron en la elaboraciónde dicha normativa. Lo extraño en esta época no eran estasirregularidades, asumidas como algo natural, sino el hechode que fueran denunciadas por los parlamentarios, pues elloevidencia un cambio sustancial en cuanto a la voluntad decontrolar la gestión económica de estos establecimientos,así como la responsabilidad de los cuidadores.(AU)

One of the main novelties in the parliamentary debate ofthe Charities Act during the Liberal Triennium consisted indenouncing the irregularities committed in such establishments.The main goal of this work is to analyse those denouncesaccording to a triple differentiation: those regarding anirregular management of the economic resources; thoseconcerning the council management; and those relating to ill-treatment in the charity houses. The parliamentary debatesof the Liberal Triennium in the Charity Law constitute themain source of the study. Methodologically, the analysis ofthe interventions of the deputies who participated in theelaboration of said regulations is addressed. Being assumed asnatural, such irregularities had never been denounced beforeby the Members of Parliament, which evidences a substantialchange in the will of controlling the economic managementof such establishments, as well as the caretakers’ behaviour.(AU)

Uma das principais novidades do debate parlamentar sobrea lei da caridade no Triênio Liberal foram os relatos deirregularidades na gestão desse tipo de estabelecimento. Oobjetivo principal deste estudo é analisar essas denúncias a partirde uma tripla diferenciação: as que apontam irregularidadespor má gestão dos recursos econômicos, as que se referemà gestão do conselho e as que dizem respeito ao descaso dequem cuidava dos necessitados em tais casas. Os debatesparlamentares do Triênio Liberal na Lei da Caridade constituema principal fonte do estudo. Metodologicamente, aborda-se aanálise das intervenções dos deputados que participaram daelaboração do referido regulamento. O estranho nessa épocanão foram essas irregularidades, presumidas como naturais,mas o fato de terem sido denunciadas por parlamentares, poisisso mostra uma mudança substancial em termos da vontadede controlar a gestão econômica desses estabelecimentos,bem como do cuidadores de responsabilidade.(AU)

Public Reason, Bioethics, and Public Policy: A Seductive Delusion or Ambitious Aspiration?

Can Rawlsian public reason sufficiently justify public policies that regulate or restrain controversial medical and technological interventions in bioethics (and the broader social world), such as abortion, physician aid-in-dying, CRISPER-cas9 gene editing of embryos, surrogate mothers, pre-implantation genetic diagnosis of eight-cell embryos, and so on? The first part of this essay briefly explicates the central concepts that define Rawlsian political liberalism. The latter half of this essay then demonstrates how a commitment to Rawlsian public reason can ameliorate (not completely resolve) many of the policy disagreements related to bioethically controversial medical interventions today. The goal of public reason is to reduce the size of the disagreement by eliminating features of the disagreement that violate the norms of public reason. The norms of public reason are those norms that are politically necessary to preserve the liberal, pluralistic, democratic character of this society. What remains is reasonable disagreement to be addressed through normal democratic deliberative processes. Specific issues addressed from a public reason perspective include personal responsibility for excessive health costs, the utility of a metaphysical definition of death for organ transplantation, and the moral status of excess embryos generated through IVF and/or their use in medical research.

Who has a meaningful life? A care ethics analysis of selective trait abortion.

Trait Selective Abortions (TSA) have come under critique as a medical practice that presents potential disabled infants as burdens and lacking the potential for meaningful lives. This paper, using the author's background as a disabled person, contends that the philosophy underpinning TSAs reflects liberal society's lack of a theory of needs. The author argues for a care ethics based approach informed by disability analyses to engage with TSAs.

Lockdowns, Bioethics, and the Public: Policy-Making in a Liberal Democracy.

Commentaries on the ethics of Covid lockdowns nearly all focus on offering substantive guidance to policy-makers. Lockdowns, however, raise many ethical questions that admit of a range of reasonable answers. In such cases, policy-making in a liberal democracy ought to be sensitive to which reasonable views the public actually holds-a topic existing bioethical work on lockdowns has not explored in detail. In this essay, I identify several important questions connected to the kind of influence the public ought to have on lockdown decision-making, including how policy-makers ought to handle misinformed or morally suspect viewpoints, and how policy-makers ought to respond to minority viewpoints. I argue that questions like this, concerning the appropriate influence of the public on decision-making, will be central to the field of bioethics as it increasingly focuses on policy and population-level issues and therefore ought to be priorities for future work.

The philosophy of pharmaceutical regulation-Paternalism or freedom of choice?

When assessing the value of new drugs regulatory authorities across the world frequently make different decisions even though their decisions are based on the same evidence package. In this perspective we argue that even in today's world regulatory and medical decision making is framed by conflicting philosophical schools of thought, namely the liberal tradition of the Anglo Saxon countries pioneered by the Scotsman Adam Smith and the continental European tradition of paternalism that roots back to the German philosopher Georg Friedrich Hegel. We outline the basics of these two philosophical theories and show that countries following the liberal tradition are more reluctant to reject new drugs due to weak evidence. Instead, they leave decisions to a greater extend to those who are affected, namely patients and their caregivers.

Civil Liberties in a Lockdown: The Case of COVID-19.

In response to the spread of COVID-19, governments across the world, with very few exceptions, have enacted sweeping restrictive lockdown policies that impede citizens' freedom to move, work, and assemble. This paper critically responds to the central arguments for restrictive lockdown legislation. We build our critique on the following assumption: public policy that enjoys virtually unanimous support worldwide should be justified by uncontroversial moral principles. We argue that the virtually unanimous support in favor of restrictive lockdowns is not adequately justified by the arguments given in favor of them. Importantly, this is not to say that states ought not impose restrictive lockdown measures, but rather that the extent of the acceptance of these measures is not proportionate to the strength of the arguments for lockdowns.

The moral foundations of cryptocurrency: evidence from Twitter and survey research.

Despite its relatively brief history, cryptocurrency has already had a profound impact on the economy, with some predicting that it will eventually replace traditional fiat currencies. Historically, it had dark associations with illegal activities in the early days, although perceptions and associations likely have, in recent years, changed for the better. Thus, understanding how people perceive the morality of cryptocurrency currently forms the motivation of the current research. We, in particular, examine associations dependent on political ideology. Across both a large-scale analysis of Twitter posts (N = 959,393) and controlled survey research (N = 487), we find that cryptocurrency is currently best understood as being more strongly linked to conservative vs. liberal moral foundations. Cryptocurrency-related posts were more likely to express conservative moral foundations (Authority, Purity, and Loyalty) rather than liberal moral foundations (Fairness and Care), and individual endorsement of these conservative moral foundations was associated with increased interest in crypto investment.

Collective nostalgia and political ideology.

Collective nostalgia is a form of nostalgia that is contingent upon thinking of oneself in terms of a particular social identity. Research has focused in particular on collective nostalgia for a nation's past. Here, I propose that conservatives and others on the right side of the political spectrum experience stronger collective nostalgia for their nation's past than liberals and those on the left. I first explain the roots of this prediction in conservative political philosophy, review empirical evidence in favor of that idea, and summarize findings that show the significance of this link for policy support. Finally, I review and discuss evidence that qualifies the link between conservatism and collective nostalgia.

Catecismos matemáticos en los Estados Unidos de Colombia (1863-1886)

El ideal educativo en los Estados Unidos de Colombia (1863-1886) fue implantar las innovaciones de los pedagogos europeos del momento: Pestalozzi, Froebel y Herbart, según los cuales el aprendizaje se lograba con la experimentación y el contacto con la naturaleza. La escuela primaria enseñaba el dominio del idioma para la lectura y la escritura; la matemática proporcionaba el conocimiento de las operaciones con números, para resolver problemas prácticos de la vida cotidiana y las actividades comerciales con el dominio de lo referente a pesas y medidas. Teniendo en cuenta estos motivos puede decirse que los catecismos matemáticos se adaptaron a estos requerimientos en lo que respecta a la temática.

The educational ideal in the United States of Colombia was to implement the innovations of the European pedagogues of the time: Pestalozzi, Froebel, and Herbart, according to whom learning was achieved through experimentation and contact with nature. The elementary school taught the mastery of language for reading and writing; mathematics provided the knowledge of operations with numbers, to solve daily-life practical problems and commercial activities with the mastery of weights and measures. By taking these reasons into account, it can be said that mathematical catechisms were adapted to these requirements in terms of the subject matter.

A Família Está em Chamas(?): Razão de Estado, Conservadorismo e (Reconhecimento à) Diferença / The Family Is Burning(?): Reason of State, Conservatism and (Acknowledgment of) Differences / (¿) La Familia Está en Llamas(?): Razón de Estado, Conservadurismo y (Reconocimiento à la) Diferencia

A ascensão de governos neoliberais e de movimentos ultraconservadores vem reforçando a heterocisnormatividade e o racismo, produzindo desigualdade e infligindo ainda mais sofrimento e riscos letais às minorias. Conjurando imposição de regimes de austeridade, limites da presença do Estado e esvaziamento da propriedade social à autorresponsabilização pela gestão da própria vida e saúde, a questão da diferença passou a ser forjada como ponto de instabilidade e ameaça a tais propósitos e pressupostos político-econômicos. Uma das consequências é a ampla circulação de discursos de ódio e desprezo pela diversidade. Este trabalho buscou, assim, compreender como então se estabelecem intersecções enunciativas entre marcadores de diferença e a racionalidade liberal na economia e conservadora nos costumes, tomando como foco a (des)articulação em torno da precarização de parentalidades e conjugalidades diversas. Os resultados desta investigação apontam que, quanto maior a densidade democrática de uma sociedade ou relação sociocultural, maiores as possibilidades de afirmação positiva da alteridade e diferença, bases importantes para a produção da saúde e da cidadania (racial, sexual, de gênero e ambiental).

The rise of neo-liberal governments and ultra-conservative movements has been reinforcing cisheteronormativity and racism, thus generating inequalities and inflicting even more lethal risks and suffering upon minorities. Conjuring the imposition of austerity regimes, limitations on State action and the emptying of social property in favor of self-responsibility for managing one's own life and health, the issue of differences started being forged as a point of instability and threat to such political and economic premises and purposes. One of the consequences is the widespread circulation of discourses filled with hate and contempt for diversity. This study aimed to understand how discourse intersections are established between markers of difference and the liberal rationale in terms of economy and the conservative rationale in terms of customs, focusing on the (dis)articulation surrounding the precariousness of diverse parenthood and conjugalities. The results of this study point out that the larger democratic density of a given society or sociocultural relationship, the greater the possibilities of positively affirming otherness and difference, which are important foundations for health care, and citizen (racial, sexual, gender and environmental) rights.

La ascensión de gobiernos neoliberales y de movimientos ultraconservadores viene reforzando la heterocisnormatividad y el racismo, produciendo desigualdad e imponiendo aún más sufrimiento y riesgos letales a las minorías. Invocando imposición de regímenes de austeridad, límites a la presencia del Estado y el vaciamiento de la propiedad social a la auto-responsabilización por la gestión de la propia vida y salud, el tema de la diferencia pasó a ser forjado como punto de instabilidad y amenaza a tales propósitos y presupuestos político-económicos. Una de las consecuencias es la amplia circulación de discursos de odio y desprecio hacia la diversidad. Este trabajo buscó comprender cómo, entonces, se establecen intersecciones enunciativas entre marcadores de diferencia y la racionalidad liberal en la economía y conservadora en las costumbres, tomando como enfoque la (des)articulación sobre la precarización de parentalidades y conjugalidades diversas. Los resultados de esta investigación apuntan a que cuánto más grande la densidad democrática de una sociedad o relación sociocultural, mayores posibilidades de afirmación positiva de la alteridad y la diferencia, bases importantes para la producción de la salud y de la ciudadanía (racial, sexual, de género y ambiental).

Debating secularism: A liberal cosmopolitan perspective.

In the classical notion of secularism, privatization of religion is an essential component of freedom and equality between citizens, so that rights are granted to individuals rather than to communities. The currently dominant objections to this notion in the literature are the multiculturalist thesis, primarily expounded by Tariq Modood, and the critique of secularism through the "genealogical" method, associated with Talal Asad and his followers. This article critically assesses these objections and defends the classical notion of secularism from a liberal cosmopolitan perspective. The argument that the classical notion perfectly addresses the questions of freedom of conscience and diversity of belief is further supported by reference to an ignored source, Thomas More's Utopia.

Agonistic approaches to sexuality: A critical analysis of the conservative mindset.

Why do so many people attack sexualities they do not desire and which do not harm them independently of their negative emotions? This is a question to conservative audiences whose anxious reactions this study aims to explain. I introduce seven principles to clarify the situation. The Foundational Principle sketches the basic normative rules. The Hyperbolic Principle recognizes the ever-present exaggeration of sex narratives. According to the Imaginary Principle, extreme imaginings will become too painful to bear. The Principle of de se Reading of Sexual Thought explains contagious emotions and vicarious arousal. The Principle of Motivation argues that sexual images are intrinsically arousing and thus prima facie motivating. According to the Principle of Safety, an unacceptable sexual desire feels unsafe and risky. The Exclusionary Principle says, if a person fails to recognize a given sexual desire, she rejects it. This is the principle that characterizes a conservative reaction to unaccepted sexuality. These negative socio-psychological facts have not attracted adequate attention in sexuality studies. Yet, anxious conservative audiences have the political power to jeopardize liberal policy formation, sex education, and LGBT/BDSM lifestyles. The method of this study is conceptual and philosophical. Its premises and result should lead to empirical verification. At the same time, I suggest a more sophisticated conceptual and linguistic framework for advancing the critical discussion of moral tradition, scientific sexuality studies, and diagnostic art.

The Dobbs Decision: Can It Be Justified by Public Reason?

John Rawls has held up as a model of public reason the U.S. Supreme Court. I argue that the Dobbs Court is justifiably criticized for failing to respect public reason. First, the entire opinion is governed by an originalist ideological logic almost entirely incongruent with public reason in a liberal, pluralistic, democratic society. Second, Alito's emphasis on "ordered liberty" seems completely at odds with the "disordered liberty" regarding abortion already evident among the states. Third, describing the embryo/fetus from conception until birth as an "unborn human being" begs the question of the legal status of the embryo/fetus, as if an obiter dictum settled the matter. Fourth, Alito accuses the Roe court of failing to exercise judicial restraint, although Alito argued to overturn Roe in its entirety. In brief, the Dobbs opinion is an illiberal, disingenuous, ideological swamp that swallows up public reason and the reproductive rights of women.

Palestinians Under Israeli Settler Colonialism and "Anglo-Centric" Colonization of Knowledge Production.

Calls for decolonizing knowledge production are increasing considerably. Yet the domination of knowledge production by English-speaking, neoliberal, Western countries continues, with understandings and assumptions often irrelevant and unimportant to southern countries, and can contain racialized portrayals of the people of the developing world. Palestinians under Israeli military rule have also become governed by neoliberal funding northern institutions that have commoditized research and education and control what should be researched and how. The dual colonization of Palestinians by Israel and the hegemony of neoliberal political-economy among a captive Palestinian population-reinforced by the Zionist lobby's ferociousness in punishing whoever dares to raise questions about Israel's wrongdoings-is silencing Palestinians and those supporting justice to Palestinians in ways perhaps not experienced by others who want their voices heard. Yet Palestinians continue to teach and conduct research and to struggle for freedom and justice on one hand and for liberation from donor dictates on what to research and how to research and write on the other. We continue to hope that international funders and publishers would take concrete steps to turn calls for the decolonization of knowledge production from lip service to actions so that all knowledges can contribute to debates and societal advancement worldwide.

The Progressive Values Scale: Assessing the Ideological Schism on the Left.

Progressivism has increasingly challenged traditional liberalism as the dominant influence within left-wing ideology. Across four studies, we developed a measure-the Progressive Values Scale (PVS)-that characterizes distinctly progressive values within the left-wing. In Study 1, left-wing participants evaluated divisive issues, with four scale factors emerging. In Study 2, we confirmed this factor structure and included a battery of personality and values measures to explore individual differences among those who maintain a progressive worldview. In Study 3, we achieved final confirmation of the factor structure and validated the ability of the PVS to assess a distinctly progressive perspective, insofar as progressives generated prototypical faces for Liberals and Conservatives that were markedly distinct from those generated by traditional liberals. In Study 4, we distinguished the PVS from measures of left-wing authoritarianism and demonstrated that it is a better predictor of progressive political preferences and social judgments.

Epidemic disease and the state: Is there a tradeoff between public health and liberty?

This paper examines the political economy of epidemic disease. First, it outlines the incentive and information problems facing policymakers in responding to a new epidemic. Second, it considers the existence of a tradeoff between public health and freedom. Informed by a survey of the history of public health and an analysis of the response to Covid-19, it presents evidence that such a tradeoff can obtain in the short run but that, in the long run, the negative relationship is reversed and the trade-off disappears.

Healthy Eating Policy: Racial Liberalism, Global Connections and Contested Science.

The challenges to designing and implementing ethically and politically meaningful eating policies are many and complex. This article provides a brief overview of Anne Barnhill and Matteo Bonotti's Healthy Eating Policy and Political Philosophy: A Public Reason Approach while also critically engaging with the place of racial justice, global interconnectedness, and debates over science in thinking about ethics and politics of public health nutrition and policy. I do not aim to burden Barnhill and Bonotti with the responsibility to fully address these issues, but considering the interconnection of these issues and the ever pressing effects of climate change on local and global food systems, we collectively need to turn to these difficult and pressing questions about what a just food system looks like, what concerns are centred, and who is left out. I group these engagements with Barnhill and Bonotti under three headings: racial liberalism, global food system, and contested nutrition science. I conclude with some remarks about locality.

Persistent Vulnerabilities in the World of Work and Contemporary Capitalism: Some Reflections on India.

The onslaught of COVID-19 has been catastrophic for India's world of work. While it was a bolt out of the blue, its impacts on employment need to be located in the context of a long-term and ongoing structural crisis of (un) employment and systemic vulnerabilities (and subsequent burgeoning of 'labour reserves') that have tended to worsen during the neo-liberal regime. Using the various EUS and subsequent PLFS rounds for roughly the last two decades, the paper seeks to highlight selected aspects of the vulnerabilities and inequities that have plagued India's world of work. These include participation rates, vulnerable employment, composition of workforce and access to certain aspects of decent work such as social security, paid leaves, and written contract. An important issue that the paper investigates is 'income-vulnerability' of the employed at the present juncture. Further, inequities across gender and social groups have also been assessed as regards these variables using the most recent data.