Salud sexual y reproductiva en exguerrilleras colombianas antes del Acuerdo de Paz y después de este / Sexual and Reproductive Health of Former Colombian Female Guerrillas before and after the Peace Agreement / Saúde sexual e reprodutiva em ex-guerrilheiras colombianas antes e depois do Acordo de Paz

El objetivo de este artículo es describir las experiencias en salud sexual y reproductiva de exguerrilleras de las Fuerzas Armadas Revolucionarias de Colombia-Ejército del Pueblo (fARC-EP) durante el conflicto armado y después de la firma del Acuerdo de Paz. A lo largo de 2018 se realizó un estudio de caso interpretativo a través de observación participante, once entrevistas y dos grupos focales. En las fARC-EP no hubo un enfoque de salud sexual y reproductiva integral ni con perspectiva de género; se privilegió la prevención del embarazo con métodos y sanciones para las mujeres. Debido a su carácter de ejército clandestino, las decisiones no eran tomadas de manera individual, y la autoridad del superior implicaba las relaciones erótico-afectivas, aunque se garantizaba una atención expedita para casos de urgencias. Posterior a la firma del acuerdo, con su consiguiente inserción en el sistema de salud colombiano, se amplían las posibilidades de atención para casos no urgentes, pero persisten las barreras de atención del sistema de salud.

This study examined the sexual and reproductive health statuses of former female guerrillas of the Revolutionary Armed Forces of Colombia-People's Army (fARC-EP) during the armed conflict and after the signing of the peace agreement. During 2018, an interpretive case study was conducted through the participant observation, 11 interviews, and 2 focus groups. In the fARC-EP group, no comprehensive approach to sexual and reproductive health was noted from a gender perspective, but pregnancy prevention using methods and sanctions for women was found to be privileged. Owing to its characteristic as a clandestine army, decisions were not made individually, and the authority of the superior involved erotic-affective relationships, although expedited attention was guaranteed for emergency cases. After the signing of the agreement, with its consequent insertion into the Colombian health system, the possibilities of care for non-urgent cases have been expanded, with the barriers to healthcare being emphasized

O objetivo deste artigo é descrever as experiências em saúde sexual e reprodutiva de ex-guerrilheiras das Forças Armadas Revolucionárias da Colômbia - Exército Popular (fARC-EP) durante o conflito armado e após a assinatura do acordo de paz. Durante o ano de 2018, foi realizado um estudo de caso interpretativo através da observação participante, 11 entrevistas e dois grupos focais. Nas fARC-EP não havia abordagem integral da saúde sexual e reprodutiva ou perspectiva de gênero; privilegiou-se a prevenção da gravidez com métodos e sanções para as mulheres. Por ser um exército clandestino, as decisões não eram tomadas individualmente, e a autoridade do superior implicava relações erótico-afetivas, embora garantisse atendimento ágil em casos de emergência. Após a assinatura do convênio, com sua consequente inserção no sistema de saúde colombiano, ampliam-se as possibilidades de atendimento aos casos não urgentes, mas enfatizam-se as barreiras para o atendimento no sistema de saúde.

Appropriation and Spatial Order in La Fila and El Oso ETCRs (Tolima, Colombia) / Apropiación y orden espacial en los etcr la fila y el oso (tolima, colombia)

RESUMEN Tras la firma del acuerdo de paz entre el Gobierno colombiano y las FARC-EP se destinaron alrededor del país algunos Espacios Territoriales de Capacitación y Reincorporación (ETCR) como parte del proceso de reincorporación de los excombatientes, cuyo desarrollo y consecución ha tenido grandes dificultades para alcanzar lo pactado en el marco del proceso de paz (demoras, negligencias, rutas claras de reincorporación, seguridad, tensiones políticas). Con base en un trabajo de campo en dos ETCR, uno en la vereda La Fila y otro en El Oso, en el departamento del Tolima, conversamos con algunos firmantes del Acuerdo de Paz y registramos a nivel audiovisual las maneras de apropiación e intervención de estos espacios donde convergen integrantes del partido Comunes, instituciones nacionales, extranjeras y comunidades vecinas. Este trabajo propone una perspectiva sobre los ETCR como guetos de integración y exclusión de los excombatientes. Además, destacamos de qué manera la convivencia en los espacios ha tejido modos de habitar los ETCR expresados en las adecuaciones al espacio, órdenes y símbolos otorgados por firmantes de paz en proceso de reincorporación.

ABSTRACT After the signing of the peace agreement between the Colombian government and the former FARC-EP guerrilla, some Territorial Training and Reincorporation Spaces (ETCR, by its Spanish acronym) were allocated around the country as part of the reincorporation process for ex-combatants, whose development and achievement has had great difficulties in accomplishing what has been agreed in the framework of the peace process (delays, negligence, clear routes of reincorporation, security, political tensions). Based on fieldwork in two ETCRs, one in La Fila and the other in El Oso, in Tolima (Andean region, in the center-west of the country), we spoke with some signatories of the Peace Agreement. During our visit, we recorded at the audiovisual level how these spaces, where members of the Comunes party, national institutions, foreign countries, and neighboring communities converge, are being appropriated and intervened. This paper proposes a perspective on the ETCRs as ghettos of integration and exclusion of ex-combatants. In addition, we highlight how coexistence in spaces has created ways of inhabiting the ETCRs expressed in the adaptations to spaces, orders, and symbols given by peace signatories in the process of reincorporation

The killing of social leaders: An unintended effect of Colombia's illicit crop substitution program.

A common drug policy in source countries -forced eradication- has unintended consequences in multiple dimensions. Aerial spraying in particular, has social and environmental costs including, increased violence, deforestation, and adverse health outcomes. However, there is less evidence of the unintended consequences of illicit crop substitution programs, another widely used intervention. This paper illustrates an unintended effect of the largest crop substitution program in the world, namely increased violence against social leaders. Examining the recent Colombian illicit crop substitution program implemented in 2017, this paper estimates the effect on violence towards social leaders employing an event study econometric strategy. The program increased the rate of social leader killings by 481% and the probability of a killing by 122%. The findings reveal a greater effect on municipalities where leaders oppose the expansion of illicit crops, where organized crime does not hold consolidated power, and where there is a presence of illegal armed groups. This study contributes to the literature on antidrug policies by providing empirical evidence of unintended consequences for local communities.

The substitution program on trial: progress and setbacks of the peace agreement in the policy against illicit crops in Colombia.

BACKGROUND: In 2016 the Colombian government and the country's most important guerrilla group - the FARC - signed a peace agreement that included the "definitive solution to the problem of illicit crops". That solution has not arrived. METHODS: We tracked the design and implementation of the substitution program (PNIS) included in the peace agreement using an original set of in-depth interviews, press reviews and archival material, all of which were collected in different rounds of fieldwork between 2018 and 2020 in Bogotá and three coca growing regions. RESULTS: We show that, as a product of several political pressures, the peace agreement introduced modifications to the standing policy against illicit crops that were favorable to peacebuilding, but also retained regressive aspects of that policy. However, following a shift in the balance of power, the policy returned to what it was during the war period. CONCLUSION: We conclude by discussing the importance of developing a research agenda that explores both resistances to change in illicit crops policy, and the political coalitions needed to make change sustainable.

Cocalero women and peace policies in Colombia.

BACKGROUND: Illicit crop economies are shaped by gender arrangements that can play an important role in the experiences of illicit crop workers. In Colombia, the coca production -considered a war economy- granted peasant women a source of access to productive resources (land, credit and seeds) and paid work, conditions that are difficult to find in other legal agrarian economies. For this reason, policies pursuing a transition from war to peace, such as the ones that emerged from the 2016 Peace Agreement between the Colombian government and the FARC guerrilla, must incorporate a gender perspective in order to acknowledge the social progress that women can achieve in war scenarios. METHODS: The empirical evidence comes from thirty-one in-depth and semi-structured interviews with cocalero peasants, social leaders and public officials; ethnographic fieldwork in two municipalities with the highest levels of illicit crop production (Puerto Asís and Tumaco); official documents of anti-drug and Alternative Development policies in Colombia, and other official information from the agencies in charge of implementing these policies; and data from the survey of participants of the National Comprehensive Program for the Substitution of Illicit Crops (PNIS) (National University of Colombia, 2019), and one dataset from the Colombian National Administrative Department of Statistics (the Quality of Life Survey of 2018). For the analysis of the data we used an open-codification method and conducted hypothesis tests with Welch's correction. RESULTS: In Colombia, women involved in the coca economy experience a degree of empowerment that leads to increased income, time control and decision-making power. When we compared the lived experience of cocalero women with what the National Crop Substitution Programme -PNIS- offers, we found that the programme falls short from offering viable gender-sensitive alternatives, producing a setback in women's empowerment. CONCLUSION: Illicit crop economies in war contexts can be a source of social advancement for marginalized populations, particularly women. Thus, peace policies that do not recognise these advances, i.e. that do not incorporate a gender perspective in their design, deepen gender-based inequalities.

Participación de la sociedad civil en el proceso de paz con las Fuerzas Armadas Revolucionarias de Colombia -FARC-ep- (2012-2016) / Participation of civil society in the peace process with the Revolutionary Armed Forces of Colombia (2012-2016) / Participação da sociedade civil no processo de paz com as Forças Armadas Revolucionárias da Colômbia -FARCep- (2012-2016)

RESUMEN El artículo analiza los mecanismos de participación de las organizaciones de la sociedad civil en la fase de negociación en proceso de paz con las Fuerzas Armadas Revolucionarias de Colombia (Farc-ep), entre 2012 y 2016. A través del uso de fichas bibliográficas y documentales, y de agregación y codificación de información, el trabajo identifica siete modelos de la participación de las organizaciones de la sociedad civil en el proceso. Muestra, como en Colombia durante la fase de negociación se exploró, como nunca, una variedad amplia de mecanismos de participación, dándole a la sociedad civil un papel esencial: este actor ayudó a enriquecer la Mesa de Conversaciones de La Habana con sus propuestas y aportó legitimidad y aceptación ciudadana al proceso de paz.

ABSTRACT The article analyzes the mechanisms of participation of civil society organizations in the negotiation phase in the peace process with the Revolutionary Armed Forces of Colombia (Farc-ep), between 2012 and 2016. Through the use of bibliographic records and Documentary, and aggregation and coding of information, identifiable work seven models of participation of civil society organizations in the process. It shows, as in Colombia during the negotiation phase, as never before, a wide variety of participation mechanisms was explored, giving civil society an essential role: this actor helped enrich the Havana Conversation Table with his proposals and contributed legitimacy and acceptance of citizenship to the peace process.

RESUMO O artigo analisa os mecanismos de participação das organizações da sociedade civil na fase de negociação do processo de paz com as Forças Armadas Revolucionárias da Colômbia (FARC-EP), entre 2012 e 2016. Através da utilização de ficheiros bibliográficos e documentais, e da agregação e codificação da informação, o documento identifica sete modelos de participação das organizações da sociedade civil no processo. Mostra que, tal como na Colômbia durante a fase de negociação, foi explorada uma grande variedade de mecanismos de participação, dando à sociedade civil um papel essencial: este actor ajudou a enriquecer a Mesa Redonda de Havana com as suas propostas e trouxe legitimidade e aceitação cidadã ao processo de paz.

El diálogo como práctica colectiva para la reconciliación social / Dialogue as a Collective Practice for Social Reconciliation

Resumen En este artículo se presentan las narrativas emergentes en torno al conflicto armado y la reconciliación social, resultantes de un proceso de diálogo entre distintos actores sociales, incluidas víctimas y excombatientes, llevado a cabo en Samaná (Caldas). El diseño metodológico utilizó la herramienta de Diálogo Público para cumplir simultáneamente propósitos de investigación y acción, y el análisis del discurso para identificar las posiciones discursivas de los participantes frente al conflicto y sus actores, y comprender los movimientos que los enunciados evidencian a partir de la experiencia en el diálogo. Los hallazgos revelan una narrativa de polarización en la que predominan los estereotipos al comienzo del diálogo y una transformación hacia una narrativa de reconocimiento del otro, lo que permite concluir que el diálogo, como práctica colectiva, promueve la reconciliación social.

Abstract This article presents emerging narratives around armed conflict and social reconciliation, resulting from a process of dialogue among different social actors, by including victims and ex-combatants, carried out, in Samaná, Caldas. The methodological design used the Public Dialogue tool to simultaneously fulfill research and action purposes and discourse analysis in order to identify the discursive positions of participants regarding conflict and their actors, and to understand the movements that statements demonstrate from experience in dialogue. The findings reveal a polariza tion narrative in which stereotypes predominate at the beginning of dialogue and a transformation towards a narrative of recognition of the other, which makes it possible to conclude that dialogue, as a collective practice, promotes social reconciliation.

Personal networks, social media, and community cohesion in the strategies of peace-building agents in Colombia to counteract the segregation of displaced populations.

As part of the "Colombian Peace Process," victim assistance programs, actions for the reincorporation into civilian life of ex-combatants, and demobilized persons of the armed conflict have been developed as well as innovative instances of intervention in cases of posttraumatic stress. In this study, we surveyed 143 community leaders from the Department of Atlántico (Colombia), participants in a program for capacity building in rehabilitation and mediation strategies. With a mixed design in which we combine the analysis of personal networks, psychometric scales, and qualitative interviews, we describe the use that community mediators make of their personal skills, their personal network, and social media in their actions to confront social trauma and promote coexistence in the local community. The results show a significant relationship between the density of personal networks and the psychological sense of community. Paradoxically, the high social cohesion of the communities of people displaced by political violence seems to pose objective difficulties in reducing trauma. In the discussion, we indicate that the sociogeographic segregation derived from housing policies becomes an obstacle to the effective functioning of the coexistence and reintegration programs of victims and demobilized persons of the armed conflict. In this context, social media such as Facebook, Twitter, and WhatsApp are little used by community mediators in the development of their activities, which they perceive as reinforcing largely the dynamics of segregation of the displaced population.

"Clan del golfo", una amenaza para el acuerdo de paz con las FARC-EP. Un acercamiento desde el fenómeno de la convergencia / "Gulf Clan", a threat to the peace agreement with the FARC-EP. An approach from the phenomenon of convergence / "Gulf Clan", uma ameaça ao acordo de paz com as FARC-EP. Uma abordagem do fenômeno da convergência

RESUMEN La implementación del proceso de paz con las FARC-EP por parte del gobierno tiene múltiples amenazas, entre ellas la existencia de un grupo armado ilegal denominado el "Clan del Golfo", el cual se originó después de la desmovilización de las Autodefensas Unidas de Colombia. Desde el fenómeno de la convergencia se caracterizará y analizará al "Clan" comprendiendo cómo su accionar político, social, económico y militar afecta de forma negativa la ejecución de algunos de los puntos suscritos en el acuerdo de paz, transformándose en una amenaza a los acuerdos y a la seguridad nacional del Estado colombiano.

ABSTRACT The implementation of the peace process with the FARC-EP by the government has multiple threats, among them the existence of an illegal armed group called the "Gulf Clan", which originated after the demobilization of the United Self-Defense Groups of Colombia. From the phenomenon of convergence, the "Clan" will be characterized and analyzed, understanding how its political, social, economic and military actions negatively affect the execution of some of the points signed in the peace agreement, transforming it into a threat to agreements and to the national security of the Colombian State.

RESUMO A implementação do processo de paz com as FARC-EP pelo governo tem múltiplas ameaças, entre elas a existência de um grupo armado ilegal chamado "Clã do Golfo", que se originou após a desmobilização dos Grupos de Autodefesa da Colômbia . A partir do fenômeno da convergência, o "Clã" será caracterizado e analisado, entendendo como suas ações políticas, sociais, econômicas e militares afetam negativamente a execução de alguns dos pontos assinados no acordo de paz, transformando-o em uma ameaça aos acordos. e à segurança nacional do Estado colombiano.

Proceso de paz y post-acuerdo en Colombia: expresiones de confianza en Twitter / Colombia's Peace Process and Post-Agreement: trust Expressions via Twitter

Resumen En este artículo se discuten las expectativas frente al post-acuerdo, en las expresiones de confianza y falta de confianza, sobre el Proceso de paz entre el Gobierno colombiano y las FARC-EP, en la red social Twitter. Se realizó un análisis de contenido cualitativo de 642 tweets. Los hallazgos indican que los participantes perciben actores polarizados, como ganadores y perdedores al finalizar las negociaciones; también se reconocen, por un lado, expectativas de esperanza, y por otro, percepción de falta de garantías para que lo pactado sea cumplido. El post-acuerdo, se concibe además como un proceso de construcción colectiva de paz, transformación y cambio.

Abstract This article discusses the expectations facing the post-agreement, in the expressions of trust and lack of confidence, on the peace process between the Colombian government and the FARC-EP, on social networking site Twitter. An analysis of qualitative content of 642 tweets was made. The findings indicate that participants perceive polarized actors, as being winners and losers at the end of the negotiations. On the one hand, expectations of hope are recognized, and on the other hand, the perception of lack of guarantees so that the agreement can be fulfilled. The post-agreement, is also conceived as a process of collective construction of peace, transformation, and change.

COOPERACIÓN INTERNACIONAL PARA EL DESARROLLO: GOBIERNO, ECONOMÍA Y SOCIEDAD. EVOLUCIÓN DE LAS POLÍTICAS Y ESCENARIOS FUTUROS -Desde la política hasta las OSC: interrogantes y respuestas para construir un futuro de desarrollo sostenible y global

"Cooperación internacional para el desarrollo: gobierno, economía y sociedad. Evolución de las políticas y escenarios futuros" expone la trayectoria de la cooperación internacional al desarrollo (CID) desde su nacimiento hasta la actualidad mostrando como el paradigma sobre el desarrollo hubo una evolución, con su aceleración en las últimas décadas gracias a los aportes de la sociedad civil. Desde el análisis atenta y profunda que Carlo Tassara hace de la cooperación al desarrollo en este libro, se puede llegar a comprender como la realidad internacional sea cambiante y se adapte continuamente al contexto socio-económico que vive en un dado momento. Gracias a esta reflexión se logra ver la interconexión mundial en el desarrollo sostenible que el mundo de hoy persigue y, por ende, nace un debate interesante sobre "a donde queremos apuntar en futuro" por medio de la CID.

"International cooperation for development: government, economy and society. evolution of policy and future scenarios" expose the trajectory of international cooperation to development (CID) from his birth to the present showing how the paradigm on development was an evolution, with the acceleration in recent decades thanks to the contributions of civil society. Carlo Tassara in his book makes a careful and deep analysis regarding the development cooperation, it can help to understand how the international reality is changing and adapts continuously to the socioeconomic context living in a precise historical moment. Thanks to this reflection, it is possible to see the global interconnection into a sustainable development that the contemporary world pursues and, thus, born an interesting debate about "where we want to aim in the future" through the CID.

Harvesting Social Signals to Inform Peace Processes Implementation and Monitoring.

Peace processes are complex, protracted, and contentious involving significant bargaining and compromising among various societal and political stakeholders. In civil war terminations, it is pertinent to measure the pulse of the nation to ensure that the peace process is responsive to citizens' concerns. Social media yields tremendous power as a tool for dialogue, debate, organization, and mobilization, thereby adding more complexity to the peace process. Using Colombia's final peace agreement and national referendum as a case study, we investigate the influence of two important indicators: intergroup polarization and public sentiment toward the peace process. We present a detailed linguistic analysis to detect intergroup polarization and a predictive model that leverages Tweet structure, content, and user-based features to predict public sentiment toward the Colombian peace process. We demonstrate that had proaccord stakeholders leveraged public opinion from social media, the outcome of the Colombian referendum could have been different.

Normalización sin transición: la dimensión territorial del proceso de paz en la Zona Veredal de Transición y Normalización (ZVTN) de La Macarena / Normalization without Transition. Territorial Dimension of the Peace Process in the Transitional Village Zones of Normalization (ZVTN) of Sierra de la Macarena

Resumen En la Sierra de la Macarena se ubican tres de las 26 Zonas Veredales Transitorias de Normalización (ZVTN), dispuestas en los acuerdos de la Habana como lugares para concretar el cese bilateral y definitivo de hostilidades. Las Zonas han supuesto el espacio para el desarme y reincorporación a la vida civil de los combatientes de las FARC- EP. Una de tales Zonas se encuentra en inmediaciones de los llanos del Yarí en el poblado de Playa Rica. La historia de este territorio da cuenta de los conflictos propios de la colonización del piedemonte amazónico y de los impactos de la guerra civil. La adecuación de la Zona Veredal ha significado para las comunidades de la región la posibilidad de hallar cierta presencia del estado central que, sin su tradicional carácter contrainsurgente, ha sido objeto de crecientes movilizaciones sociales. Sin embargo, la incapacidad institucional para reconocer la historia organizativa y social de El Yarí, el pesado aparato burocrático que ralentiza la implementación de los acuerdos, así como los vacíos de poder que la disidencia de la guerrilla pretende copar, han implicado que en la Zona Veredal confluya un escenario social de normalización sin transición.

Abstract In the Sierra de la Macarena 3 out of the 26 Transitional Village Zones of Normalization (ZVTN) are located, as it was arranged in the agreements of Havana as places to put an end to bilateral and definitive cessation of hostilities. The Zones have represented a space for disarmament and reintegration into the civilian life of the combatants of FARC - EP. One of such zones is located in the immediate vicinity of Yari plains, in the town of Playa Rica. The history of this area provides the conflicts of colonization of the Amazon Foothill and the impacts of the civil war. The adequacy of the Village Zone, for the communities of the region, has meant the possibility of finding some presence of the central State that, without its traditional counterinsurgency character, has been the subject of growing social mobilizations. However, the institutional inability to recognize the organizational and social history of the El Yari, the heavy bureaucratic apparatus that slows down the implementation of the agreements, as well as the power vacuum that the dissidence of the guerrilla aims to copy, have implied that in the Village Zone merge a social scenario of normalization without transition.

Cotidianidades desarmadas, el reto invisible de las transiciones territoriales: la ventana abierta de la Zonas Veredales Transitorias de Normalización en el proceso de paz con las FARC-EP / Unarmed Everyday Lives: The Invisible Challenge of Territorial Transitions: An Open Window to Transitional Village Zones of Normalization in the Peace Process with FARC-EP

Resumen El modelo de justicia transicional discutido en La Habana y su marcado énfasis judicial, relegó la consideración de procesos locales de transición social y comunitaria. Con ello los acuerdos omitieron la complejidad que ha tenido la dimensión territorial de la guerra y las lógicas cotidianas a que esta ha dado lugar que -más allá de las hostilidades y sus impactos humanitarios- se expresan en distintas prácticas y relaciones sociales construidas entre insurgencia, estado y comunidades campesinas. La instalación de las Zonas Veredales Transitorias de Normalización como instancia y lugar para concretar el fin del conflicto armado ha supuesto una muestra de la manera como se irán transformando las cotidianidades construidas en el marco de la guerra. Las Zonas Veredales suponen, pues, la primera experiencia en la forma como han de ser superadas las cotidianidades armadas, una tarea que en este artículo defino como "retos invisibles" (en el sentido que no aparecen en contempladas en los acuerdos) que para las comunidades, estado e insurgencia suponen la cuota inicial de la construcción de una paz estable y duradera en los territorios. En este artículo presento un panorama etnográfico de los aún incipientes procesos de transformación de las cotidianidades armadas a las desarmadas en las distintas ZVTN.

Abstract The model of transitional justice, which was discussed in Havana and its strong judicial emphasis, relegated the consideration of local social and community transition processes. Thus, these agreements omitted the complexity that the territorial dimension of the war has had and the everyday logic to which this has given rise that - apart from the hostilities and their humanitarian impacts - are expressed in various practices and social relations built among the insurgency, the State, and rural communities. The installation of Transitional Village Zones of Normalization as an instance and place in order to define the end of the armed conflict, has required a sign of the way how everyday lives, which were built within the framework of war, will be transformed. These villages then, pose, the first experience in the way how armed everyday lives have to be overcome, a task, which is defined as "invisible challenges" in this article (in the sense that they are not provided in the agreements), which for the communities, the State and the insurgency are the initial fee for the construction of a stable and lasting peace in the territories. In this article, an ethnographic overview of even incipient processes of transformation of armed everyday lives to unarmed everyday lives in the different ZVTN is presented.

Results From Colombia's 2016 Report Card on Physical Activity for Children and Youth.

BACKGROUND: Physical activity (PA) is vital to the holistic development of young people. Regular participation in PA is associated with substantial benefits for health, cognitive function, and social inclusion. Recognizing the potential of PA in the context of the current peace process in Colombia, the purpose of this article is to present the methodology and results of Colombia's second Report Card on PA for children and youth. METHODS: A group of experts on PA graded 14 PA indicators based on data from national surveys and policy documents. RESULTS: National and departmental policy indicators received a grade of B, while organized sport participation, overweight, obesity, community influence, and nongovernment initiatives indicators received a grade of C. Overall PA levels, active transportation, sedentary behaviors, and school influence received a grade of D. Active play, low physical fitness, and family influence received an Incomplete grade. CONCLUSIONS: PA levels are low and sedentary behaviors are high in Colombian children and youth, with notable geographic differences. A broad policy framework translated into specific actions could provide unique opportunities to bridge the gap between knowledge and practice, and contribute to social integration goals in a postconflict setting.

Rol mediador de la policía nacional de Colombia en el posconflicto: Un estudio del discurso de expertos con AEDT / Mediation role of the Colombian national police in the pos-conflict scenario: a satd study of the discourse of experts

Los resultados de esta investigación están fundamentados en una revisión teórica de estudios recientes, relacionados con la situación nacional e internacional, frente al accionar de la fuerza pública en escenarios de posconflicto; asimismo, se llevaron a cabo una serie de entrevistas con algunos académicos y expertos en el campo político, económico y cultural colombianos. El producto de estas entrevistas se sometió a la herramienta AEDT (Análisis Estadístico de Datos Textuales) a través del software SPAD que, con una mirada cuantitativa y descriptiva, permite generar conocimiento alrededor de los "nuevos roles" que deberán ser asumidos por la Policía Nacional de Colombia para el periodo del posconflicto, como estrategia de reconciliación de los sectores en conflicto y los diferentes grupos sociales. Así, se vislumbran dinámicas de transformación o cambios políticos, económicos y socioculturales que la institución policial deberá asimilar y ejecutar en contexto.

The results of this research are based on a theoretical review of recent national and international studies of the actions of security forces in post-conflict scenarios; in this study we also conducted a series of interviews with academics and experts in the Colombian political, economic and cultural fields. The product of these interviews was analysed using SATD (Statistical Analysis of Textual Data) with the SPAD software. With a quantitative and descriptive look, the use of this strategy helped generate knowledge about the "new roles" that must be assumed by the National Police of Colombia for the period after the Peace Accords, as a strategy for reconciliation of conflicting sectors and different social groups. Emerging dynamics of transformation or political, economic and socio-cultural changes are then made visible, that the national police must assimilate and implement in context.

Perdón, convivencia y reconciliación en el proceso de paz, desde una mirada psicológica / Forgiveness, coexistence and reconciliation in the peace process, from a psychological perspective

El conflicto armado en Colombia ha perdurado por más de 50 años, tiempo en el que ha acarreado innumerables consecuencias físicas, psíquicas y sociales. Ahora bien, en los últimos años se ha estado abogando por un proceso de negociación con el que se le dé fin a la guerra. En el presente artículo, se pretende abordar los conceptos de perdón, convivencia y reconciliación, puesto que son términos que han estado fuertemente relacionados con los procesos de paz, y que, además, han ganado gran popularidad en el discurso de los colombianos, pero que difícilmente han sido llevados a la realidad. Así las cosas, se plantean algunos aportes que se pueden dar desde la psicología -al hacer intervenciones en instituciones educativas y con familias, para reconocer las pautas de acción que favorecen el proceso de paz; a partir del trabajo comunitario, en el que se reconozca que es en el contexto en que se dan determinadas formas de violencia; promoviendo, tanto desde lo social como lo individual, procesos de perdón, entre otros- para fomentar los procesos de convivencia y reconciliación en el marco del postconflicto.

The armed conflict in Colombia has lasted for more than 50 years, a time in which it has brought countless physical, psychological and social consequences. However, in recent years there has been a plea for a negotiation process to end the war. In the present article, it is tried to approach the concepts of forgiveness, coexistence and reconciliation, since they are terms that have been strongly related to the peace processes, and that, in addition, have gained great popularity in the discourse of the Colombians, but that They have hardly been brought to reality. Thus, there are some contributions that can be made from psychology - when making interventions in educational institutions and with families, to recognize the guidelines of action that favor the peace process; from community work, in which it is recognized that it is in the context in which certain forms of violence occur; promoting, both from the social and the individual, processes of forgiveness, among others - to promote processes of coexistence and reconciliation within the framework of the post-conflict.