Influence of Political Ideology on Colorectal Cancer Screening Among Adults in the United States.

BACKGROUND: Political ideologies have emerged as one of the risk factors driving healthcare decisions, including colorectal cancer screening in US adults. Previous links between conservative viewpoints and lower awareness of preventive health services have been established. We aimed to evaluate how differences in political ideology affect CRC screening practices using a nationally representative sample of US adults. METHODS: Using data from the 2020 Health Information National Trends Survey (HINTS), we compared compliance with CRC screening guidelines between conservative, moderate, and liberal political groups. Survey-weighted multivariable logistic regression models were employed to ascertain the relationship between political ideology and CRC screening. RESULTS: Of the 3368 respondents, 71.0% (95% CI: 67.8, 74.0) were screened for CRC. A total of 1026 (30.5%) were liberal, 1148 (34.1%) were moderate, and 1194 (35.4%) were conservative. Out of the conservatives (78.8%) were non-Hispanic Whites compared to moderates (61.4%) and liberals (64.0%). There was no significant difference in age, level of education, or income group by political ideology. In adjusted models, there was no significant difference in CRC screening by political ideology. CONCLUSION: Contrary to previous ties, we found no significant differences in compliance with CRC screening guidelines among these groups, concluding that CRC screening remains a significant health concern for all individuals, irrespective of political ideologies.

Indirect Compellence and Institutional Change: U.S. Extraterritorial Law Enforcement and the Erosion of Swiss Banking Secrecy.

Based on an in-depth, qualitative case study about a conflict between governmental authorities from the United States and Switzerland over the regulation of Swiss banks, we introduce indirect compellence as a novel triadic and indirect mechanism through which coercion leads to institutional change. Hostage-taking being a prototypical example, indirect compellence is typified by a coercive actor who takes a third party hostage to gain influence over a targeted actor. In our case, it meant that U.S. authorities (coercers) compelled Swiss policy makers (targets) to erode the famed Swiss banking secrecy rules by threatening the targets to otherwise enforce U.S. law extraterritorially against Swiss banks and bankers (hostages). Our constructivist and target-centered perspective explains this type of coercive pressure in detail, and it also suggests that targeted policy makers judge and respond to it contingent on their political ideologies. Our study contributes to research on power and influence in institutional environments and to research on global business regulation and transnational governance. Most generally, it also expands scholarly understanding of triadic relationships. In contrast to Simmelian perspectives' focus on triads in which the third party is in a powerful brokerage position and frequently benefits as a tertius gaudens, our study suggests that the third party can also become a rather powerless tertius miserabilis who suffers rather than benefits from others' conflict.

La parentalidad como practica de lo político / Parenting as a political practice / A parentalidade como prática do político / La parentalité comme pratique du politique

El objetivo de este artículo de revisión es comprender cómo se construye lo político en las relaciones entre padres e hijos. Para cumplirlo, se analizaron artículos publicados entre 2000 y 2016, que partieran de una noción amplia sobre socialización política y aportaran información para comprenderla desde el subsistema parental. Su análisis permitió identificar las siguientes categorías emergentes: ejercicio de la parentalidad en sociedades específicas, socialización política y parentalidad como práctica de lo político. En este artículo desarrollamos las dos últimas. Las investigaciones revisadas permitieron establecer que la parentalidad constituye una práctica de lo político en diferentes sentidos: constituye una responsabilidad ciudadana regulada por instancias de poder; transmite ideologías políticas; el ejercicio de poder entre padres e hijos contribuye en la construcción de ciudadanos capaces de adaptarse o resistir. Mediante la parentalidad, se construyen emociones y nociones políticas, sustentadas por formas de activismo que pueden provenir de padres o hijos.

This reviewing paper aims to understand how the political is built in the relationships between parents and children. To reach it, studies published between 2000 and 2016 were analyzed. It was chosen studies based on a broad notion ofpolitical socialization, which provide information to understand it from the parental subsystem. Their analysis allowed identifying the following emerging categories: parenting in specific societies; political socialization; and parenting as a practice of the political. We focus here on two last categories. The findings show that parenting is a practice of the political in different ways: it constitutes a civic responsibility regulated by instances ofpower; it fosters political ideologies; the exercise of power between parents and children contributes to the construction of citizens able of adapting or resisting. Through parenting, emotions and political notions are built, supported by forms ofactivism that can come from parents or children.

O objetivo deste artigo de revisão é compreender como se constrói o político nas relações entre pais e filhos. Para conseguir isso, revisaram-se artigos publicados entre os anos 2000 e 2016, os quais tivessem como ponto de partida, uma noção ampla sob socialização política e aportem informação para entendê-la desde o sistema parental. Sua análise permitiu identificar as seguintes categorias emergentes: o exercício da parentalidade em sociedades específicas, a socialização política e a parentalidade como prática do político. Neste artigo desenvolvemos as duas últimas. As pesquisas revisadas permitiram estabelecer que a parentalidade constitui uma prática do político em diferentes aspectos: institui uma responsabilidade cidadã regulada por instâncias de poder; transmite ideologias políticas; a negociação do poder entre pais e filhos contribui na construção de cidadãos capazes de se adaptar ou resistir; através da parentalidade, emoções e noções políticas são construídas, apoiadas por formas de ativismo que podem vir de pais ou filhos.

Le but de cet article de synthèse est de comprendre comment le fait politique se construit dans les relations parents-enfants. Pour ce faire, on a analysé des articles publiés entre 2000 et 2016, qui étaient fondés sur une large notion de socialisation politique et qui apportaient des informations pour la comprendre à partir du sous-système parental. Leur analyse a permis d'identifier les catégories émergentes suivantes: l'exercice de la parentalité dans des sociétés spécifiques, la socialisation politique et la parentalité comme pratique du fait politique. Dans cet article, nous développons les deux dernières. Les recherches révisées ont permis d'établir que la parentalité constitue une pratique du fait politique dans différents sens: elle constitue une pratique de la responsabilité régulée par des instances de pouvoir; elle transmet des idéologies politiques; l'exercice du pouvoir entre les parents et les enfants contribue à la construction de citoyens capables de s'adapter ou à résister. Par le biais de la parentalité, les émotions et les notions politiques sont construites, elles sont soutenues par des formes d'activisme qui peuvent venir des parents ou des enfants.

Ideologias partidárias em 140 caracteres: uso do Twitter pelos parlamentares brasileiros / Ideologías del partido en 140 caracteres: el uso de Twitter por los parlamentarios brasileños / Party ideologies in 140 characters: Twitter use by Brazilian Congressmen

Resumo Com o crescente uso da internet, diferentes apropriações estão sendo feitas por diferentes grupos sociais e econômicos. Assim, também políticos têm adotado essas novas mídias por diferentes motivações e em diversas formas. O objetivo deste trabalho é, a partir de uma classificação ideológica dos partidos políticos representados no Congresso brasileiro, avaliar se essa é uma variável que distingue a adoção e o uso do Twitter por parte dos parlamentares federais. Foram analisados os 512 perfis dos congressistas que em dezembro de 2013 utilizavam o Twitter para a postagem de conteúdo e para conexão com cidadãos e colegas de Congresso. Foi utilizada a plataforma de programação do Twitter para a coleta dos dados sobre o uso dos perfis e sobre as conexões entre eles e também com outros perfis da rede social. Esses dados foram relacionados com a classificação ideológica dos partidos dos parlamentares. Os resultados demonstram que é possível distinguir no Twitter os grupos das diferentes ideologias representadas no Congresso, porque adotaram seu uso em períodos distintos, têm diferentes taxas de popularidade, seguem colegas parlamentares com variados padrões de interesse e têm diferentes indicadores de atividade nesse meio digital.

Resumen Con el creciente uso de internet, las diferentes asignaciones se realizan por diferentes grupos sociales y económicos. Aún así, los políticos han adoptado estos nuevos medios por diferentes razones y en diferentes formas. El objetivo de este trabajo es, a partir de una clasificación ideológica de los partidos políticos representados en el Congreso de Brasil, evaluar si se trata de una variable que distingue a la adopción y el uso de Twitter por el Parlamento federal. 512 perfiles de los miembros del Congreso en diciembre de 2013 utilizaron Twitter para publicar contenido, y para conectar con los ciudadanos y se analizaron sus colegas del Congreso. Se utilizó la plataforma de programación de Twitter para la recogida de datos sobre el uso de perfiles y en las conexiones entre ellos y con otros perfiles de redes sociales. Estos datos fueron relacionados con la clasificación ideológica de los partidos parlamentarios. Los resultados demuestran que es posible distinguir grupos de Twitter de diferentes ideologías representadas en el Congreso, ya que aprobó su uso en diferentes momentos, tener diferentes cuotas de popularidad siguientes pares parlamentarios con diferentes patrones de interés y tienen diferentes indicadores de actividad en el entorno digital.

Abstract With increasing use of the Internet, different social and economic groups are appropriating its resources in various ways. As such, politicians have adopted this new media for varying reasons. From an ideological classification of political parties represented in Brazilian Congress, this paper evaluates whether it is a variable that can distinguish federal congressmen's adoption and use of Twitter. A total of 512 profiles of congressmen who use Twitter to post content and connect with citizens and colleagues from Congress were analysed in December 2013. Twitter's programming platform was used to collect data on the use of profiles and connections between them and with other social network profiles. This data was related to the ideological classification of different parties. The results show that it is possible to distinguish Twitter groups of different ideologies represented in Congress because they adopted its use at various times, have different levels of popularity, follow congressional colleagues with varying patterns of interest and have diverging activity indicators in the digital environment.