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Disturbances in tropical forests can have long-lasting ecological impacts, but their manifestations (ecological legacies) in modern forests are uncertain. Many Amazonian forests bear the mark of past soil modifications, species enrichments, and fire events, but the trajectories of ecological legacies from the pre-contact or post-colonial period remain relatively unexplored. We assessed the fire and vegetation history from 15 soil cores ranging from 0 to 10 km from a post-colonial Surinamese archaeological site. We show that (1) fires occurred from 96 bc to recent times and induced significant vegetation change, (2) persistent ecological legacies from pre-contact and post-colonial fire and deforestation practices were mainly within 1 km of the archaeological site, and (3) palm enrichment of Attalea, Oenocarpus and Astrocaryum occurred within 0, 1, and 8 km of the archaeological site, respectively. Our results challenge the notion of spatially extensive and persistent ecological legacies. Instead, our data indicate that the persistence and extent of ecological legacies are dependent on their timing, frequency, type, and intensity. Examining the mechanisms and manifestations of ecological legacies is crucial in assessing forest resilience and Indigenous and local land rights in the highly threatened Amazonian forests.
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Floresta Úmida , Suriname , Incêndios , Arqueologia , Conservação dos Recursos Naturais , Fatores de TempoRESUMO
BACKGROUND AND SCOPE: Agaves played a central role as multi-use plants providing food, fibre and beverage to pre-contact and historical Mesoamerican cultures. However, their importance to Indigenous Peoples in the Southwest USA and northern Mexico, where they occur because of adaptations such as CAM photosynthesis, is less well known. Archaeological research indicates the Hohokam and other pre-contact Southwestern agrarian people increased agricultural potential in this region by engineering riverine terraces and bajadas for agave dry farming. Agricultural features such as terraces and rock piles were especially characteristic of post-1000 CE with the increase of dense, aggregated populations. We present an overview of six pre-contact agave domesticates (PCADs) the Hohokam and other cultures cultivated, and their ecological and cultural attributes. These PCADs are Agave murpheyi, A. delamateri, A. phillipsiana, A. sanpedroensis, A. verdensis and A. yavapaiensis. CONCLUSION: Pre-contact agriculturists cultivated at least six once cryptic domesticated agave species in the modern Arizona landscape associated with pre-contact agricultural features, such as rock structures. Because of the longevity and primarily asexual reproduction of these agaves, relict clones have persisted to the present day, providing an opportunity to study pre-contact nutrition, trade, migration and agricultural practices. Taxonomic data imply that pre-contact farmers selected desirable attributes, initiating domestication processes that resulted in discrete lineages. These agaves are morphologically and genetically distinct from Southwest US and northern Mexico wild agaves and Mesoamerican wild and domesticated species. Additionally, the remnant clones present a rare opportunity to examine domesticates virtually unchanged since they were last cultivated prehistorically. These discoveries underline the need to view landscapes and some plant species from a cultural, rather than 'natural', perspective and discern potential cryptic species veiled by traditional taxonomic treatments. Protecting and understanding the distribution, and ecological and cultural roles of these plants require interdisciplinary collaboration between botanists, archaeologists, federal agencies and Indigenous Peoples.
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Agave , Humanos , Agave/anatomia & histologia , Arizona , Domesticação , Agricultura , MéxicoRESUMO
PURPOSE: Herein lies a brief historical review of the practice of artificial cranial deformation (ACD) in Tiwanaku, Bolivia, a pre-Columbian archeological ruin once regarded as one of the most powerful pre-Inca regions whose influence extended into present-day Peru and Chile from 600 to 1000 AD. We describe the history, purpose, and implications of ACD from both a neuroanatomical and cultural perspective. METHODS: A literature review was conducted through PubMed on the history of artificial cranial deformation in South America, concentrating on the Tiwanaku region. The authors searched all available data with no specific time reference, using the mentioned keywords: ACD, neuroanatomical implications of ACD, cultural and social functions of ACD, Tiwanaku society, and Andean civilization. RESULTS: Early Andean civilization was hierarchical and stratified. In Tiwanaku, the practice of ACD served to delineate one's social class, caste, lineage, and vocation. This was especially useful for warriors, who distinguished their fellow combatants from insurgents by differences in their cranial structure. ACD was usually conducted within the first few months of an infant's life before morphogenetic features became permanent. Two popular cranial styles-tabular and annular-were achieved by applying various mechanical apparatus and resulted in several cranial shapes (conical, box-like, flattened, etc.). Neuroanatomically, each deformation technique and the duration for which mechanical stress was applied influenced the solidification of cranial bones and shaped the frontal, occipital, parietal, and temporal bones differently. Cognitive deficits and plagiocephalic defects were recorded in limitation and may have been overlooked as the era's occupational demands were more labor-intensive than knowledge-driven. CONCLUSION: In Tiwanaku, the custom of ACD was used to demonstrate group identity, with alterations of the cranial shape corresponding to a particular headdress. ACD was used to distinguish an individual's social identity, separating different groups of society into castes, classes, and slaves (Brain, 1979). The custom has also been used to mark territory and emphasize ethnic differences among groups, with potential cognitive implications that were largely unrecorded.
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Arqueologia , Osso Temporal , Lactente , Humanos , Bolívia , América do Sul , Peru , Arqueologia/métodosRESUMO
A severe epidemic erupted in Coyoacán at the southern end of Lake Texcoco, in Central Mexico, around 1330. Chroniclers of the 16th century reported that after disrupted fish supply, the inhabitants of Coyoacán had suffered high morbidity and mortality. They developed edema of their eyelids, face, and feet, and hemorrhagic diarrhea. Many died, mainly the young and the old. Pregnant women miscarried. The disease is classically considered an illness of nutritional origin. However, its clinical picture and the circumstances of its emergence are remarkably consistent with an outbreak of foodborne Chagas disease, possibly acquired upon the hunting and consumption of alternative food sources, such as infected opossums (Didelphis spp.), unique reservoirs of Trypanosoma cruzi.
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Doença de Chagas , Didelphis , Trypanosoma cruzi , Gravidez , Feminino , Animais , México/epidemiologia , Reservatórios de Doenças , Doença de Chagas/epidemiologia , Doença de Chagas/veterinária , Gambás , Surtos de DoençasRESUMO
BACKGROUND AND SCOPE: Crassulacean acid metabolism (CAM) is an intriguing physiological adaptation in plants that are widespread throughout many ecosystems. Despite the relatively recent mechanistic understanding of CAM in plant physiology, evidence from historical records suggests that ancient cultures in the Americas also recognized the value of CAM plants. Agave species, in particular, have a rich cultural legacy that provides a foundation for commercially valued products. Here, we review that legacy and potential relationships between ancient values and the needs of modern-day climate adaptation strategies. CONCLUSIONS: There are many products that can be produced from Agave species, including food, sugar, fibre and medicines. Traditional knowledge about agricultural management and preparation of plant products can be combined with new ecophysiological knowledge and agronomic techniques to develop these resources in the borderland region of the southwestern USA and Mexico. Historical records of pre-Columbian practices in the Sonoran desert and remnants of centuries-old agriculture in Baja California and Sonora demonstrate the climate resilience of Agave agriculture. Commercial growth of both tequila and bacanora indicates the potential for large-scale production today, but also underscores the importance of adopting regenerative agricultural practices to accomplish environmentally sustainable production. Recent international recognition of the Appellation of Origin for several Agave species produced for spirits in Mexico might provide opportunities for agricultural diversification. In contrast, fibre is currently produced from several Agave species on many continents. Projections of growth with future climate change suggest that Agave spp. will be viable alternatives for commodity crops that suffer declines during drought and increased temperatures. Historical cultivation of Agave affirms that these CAM plants can supply sugar, soft and hard fibres, medicines and food supplements.
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Agave , Metabolismo Ácido das Crassuláceas , Agave/metabolismo , Ecossistema , México , Açúcares/metabolismoRESUMO
Mesoamerica is culturally rich in diverse aspects, such as nature, sociology, and archeology. Several neurosurgical techniques were described during the Pre-Hispanic era. In Mexico, various cultures, such as the Aztec, Mixtec, Zapotec, Mayan, Tlatilcan, and Tarahumara, developed surgical procedures using different tools to perform cranial and probably brain interventions. Trepanations, trephines, and craniectomies are different concepts utilized to describe skull operations, which were conducted to treat traumatic, neurodegenerative, and neuropsychiatric diseases, and as a prominent form of ritual practice. More than 40 skulls have been rescued and studied in this region. In addition to written medical sources, archeological vestiges allow a more profound comprehension of Pre-Columbian brain surgery. The purpose of this study is to present the existing evidence of cranial surgery in Pre-Hispanic Mexican civilizations and their worldwide counterparts, procedures that have contributed to the global neurosurgical armamentarium, and have significantly impacted the medical practice's evolution.
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Craniotomia , Trepanação , Humanos , Civilização , México , Trepanação/métodosRESUMO
The southwestern Amazon Rainforest Ecotone (ARE) is the transitional landscape between the tropical forest and seasonally flooded savannahs of the Bolivian Llanos de Moxos. These heterogeneous landscapes harbour high levels of biodiversity and some of the earliest records of human occupation and plant domestication in Amazonia. While persistent Indigenous legacies have been demonstrated elsewhere in the Amazon, it is unclear how past human-environment interactions may have shaped vegetation composition and structure in the ARE. Here, we examine 6000 years of archaeological and palaeoecological data from Laguna Versalles (LV), Bolivia. LV was dominated by stable rainforest vegetation throughout the Holocene. Maize cultivation and cultural burning are present after ca 5700 cal yr BP. Polyculture cultivation of maize, manioc and leren after ca 3400 cal yr BP predates the formation of Amazonian Dark/Brown Earth (ADE/ABE) soils (approx. 2400 cal yr BP). ADE/ABE formation is associated with agroforestry indicated by increased edible palms, including Mauritia flexuosa and Attalea sp., and record levels of burning, suggesting that fire played an important role in agroforestry practices. The frequent use of fire altered ADE/ABD forest composition and structure by controlling ignitions, decreasing fuel loads and increasing the abundance of plants preferred by humans. Cultural burning and polyculture agroforestry provided a stable subsistence strategy that persisted despite pronounced climate change and cultural transformations and has an enduring legacy in ADE/ABE forests in the ARE. This article is part of the theme issue 'Tropical forests in the deep human past'.
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Florestas , Floresta Úmida , Biodiversidade , Bolívia , Mudança Climática , Humanos , Plantas , ÁrvoresRESUMO
OBJECTIVE: To investigate evidence for maxillary sinusitis and pulmonary inflammation in archaeological skeletons dating to the Late Intermediate Period (AD 1000-1476) at the site of Pachacamac, Peru. MATERIALS: Thirty-nine individuals (male, female, and unknown sex; 16+ years age-at-death) were analyzed for inflammatory periosteal reaction (IPR) on the visceral (inner) surfaces of the ribs, and 16 individuals were analyzed for evidence of maxillary sinusitis. METHODS: All individuals were macroscopically examined for bony changes in the maxillary sinuses and new bone formation on the ribs according to pre-established criteria. RESULTS: Some 33.3% (13/39) of individuals had IPR on the ribs and 93.8% (15/16) had bony changes in the maxillary sinuses. CONCLUSIONS: Respiratory disease was likely prevalent in people buried at Pachacamac during the Late Intermediate Period. A number of factors may have increased the risk of developing respiratory disease, including exposure to poor air quality and increased crowding and social mixing, resulting from pilgrimage to this important ritual center. SIGNIFICANCE: This paper represents one of the first systematic analyses of evidence for respiratory disease in Peruvian and South American human skeletal remains, demonstrating the suitability of the region for further study. LIMITATIONS: A limited sample was available for analysis. Additionally, the site's skeletal preservation was excellent, meaning the sample available for assessment of maxillary sinusitis was smaller, being limited to individuals with post-mortem breakage. FURTHER RESEARCH: The results of this study should stimulate further much needed systematic investigation of evidence for respiratory disease in other Peruvian and South American populations.
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Arqueologia , Paleopatologia , Restos Mortais , Feminino , Humanos , Masculino , Peru , CostelasRESUMO
OBJECTIVE: To evaluate the cephalometric characteristics of skulls with and without artificial deformation in a pre-Columbian civilization of the Peruvian Andes (Chavin civilization 900 B.C. to 200 B.C.). MATERIALS AND METHODS: The study was observational, analytical, retrospective, and comparative in design. The image analysis unit was radiological with cephalometric measurement. The sample consisted of occipito-frontal dry skulls of the Chavín culture (n = 40) with and without artifical deformation, which underwent cephalometric radiography for analysis. RESULTS: The measurements of skull base size, anterior cranial base size, posterior cranial base size, posterior cranial base size, and cranial deflection were greater in the deformed than the non-deformed skulls (95.1 ± 6.6 vs. 92.3 ± 6.2 mm, 61.5 ± 3.6 vs. 61.4 ± 3.6 mm, 39.8 ± 3.4 vs. 38.1 ± 3.5 mm, 136 ± 26.9 vs. 135.0 ± 5.6 mm, and 35.7 ± 31.8 vs. 28.2 ± 14.6 mm, respectively). Significant differences were only found in the posterior cranial base size measurements between deformed and nondeformed skulls (P = 0.008). When comparing the characteristics of the skulls, significant differences were only found between the position of the posterior nasal spine and the maxilla size of the deformed versus the non-deformed skulls (P < 0.05). CONCLUSIONS: It is concluded that there are differences in the size, position, and inclination of the craniofacial structures between the artificially deformed skulls and the skulls that have not been artificially deformed by the old Chavin civilization.
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Pre-Columbian Mesoamerica was a fertile crescent for the development of number systems. A form of vigesimal system seems to have been present from the first Olmec civilization onwards, to which succeeding peoples made contributions. We discuss the Maya use of the representational redundancy present in their Long Count calendar, a non-power positional number representation system with multipliers 1, 20, 18 × 20, , 18 × 20 n . We demonstrate that the Mesoamericans did not need to invent positional notation and discover zero at the same time because they were not afraid of using a number system in which the same number can be written in different ways. A Long Count number system with digits from 0 to 20 is seen later to pass to one using digits 0 to 19, which leads us to propose that even earlier there may have been an initial zeroless bijective numeration system whose digits ran from 1 to 20. Mesoamerica was able to make this conceptual leap to the concept of a cardinal zero to perform arithmetic owing to a familiarity with multiple and redundant number representation systems.
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Pre-Columbian crop movement remains poorly understood, hampering a good interpretation of the domestication and diversification of Neotropical crops. To provide new insights into pre-Columbian crop movement, we applied spatial genetics to identify and compare dispersal routes of three American crops between Mesoamerica and the Andes, two important centres of pre-Columbian crop and cultural diversity. Our analysis included georeferenced simple-sequence repeats (SSR) marker datasets of 1852 genotypes of cherimoya (Annona cherimola Mill.), a perennial fruit crop that became underutilised in the Americas after the European conquest, 770 genotypes of maize (Zea mays L.) and 476 genotypes of common bean (Phaseolus vulgaris L.). Our findings show that humans brought cherimoya from Mesoamerica to present Peru through long-distance sea-trade routes across the Pacific Ocean at least 4700 yr bp, after more ancient dispersion of maize and other crops through the Mesoamerican isthmus over land and near-coastal waters. To our knowledge, this is the first evidence of pre-Columbian crop movement between Mesoamerica and the Andes across the Pacific Ocean providing new insights into pre-Columbian crop exchange in the Americas. We propose that cherimoya represents a wider group of perennial fruit crops dispersed by humans via sea-trade routes between Mesoamerica and the Andes across the Pacific Ocean.
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Repetições de Microssatélites , Phaseolus , Produtos Agrícolas/genética , Domesticação , Repetições de Microssatélites/genética , Peru , Phaseolus/genéticaRESUMO
To decipher the long-term influences of pre-Columbian land occupations on contemporary forest structure, diversity, and functioning in Amazonia, most of the previous research focused on the alluvial plains of the major rivers of the Amazon basin. Terra firme, that is, nonflooded forests, particularly from the Guiana Shield, are yet to be explored. In this study, we aim to give new insights into the subtle traces of pre-Columbian influences on present-day forests given the archaeological context of terra firme forests of the Guiana Shield. Following archaeological prospects on 13 sites in French Guiana, we carried out forest inventories inside and outside archaeological sites and assessed the potential pre-Columbian use of the sampled tree species using an original ethnobotanical database of the Guiana Shield region. Aboveground biomass (320 and 380 T/ha, respectively), basal area (25-30 and 30-35 m2 /ha, respectively), and tree density (550 and 700 stem/ha, respectively) were all significantly lower on anthropized plots (As) than on nonanthropized plots (NAs). Ancient human presence shaped the species composition of the sampled forests with Arecaceae, Burseraceae, and Lauraceae significantly more frequent in As and Annonaceae and Lecythidaceae more frequent in NAs. Although alpha diversity was not different between As and NAs, the presence of pre-Columbian sites enhances significantly the forest beta diversity at the landscape level. Finally, trees with edible fruits are positively associated with pre-Columbian sites, whereas trees used for construction or for their bark are negatively associated with pre-Columbian sites. Half a millennium after their abandonment, former occupied places from the inner Guiana Shield still bear noticeable differences with nonanthropized places. Considering the lack of data concerning archaeology of terra firme Amazonian forests, our results suggest that pre-Columbian influences on the structure (lower current biomass), diversity (higher beta diversity), and composition (linked to the past human tree uses) of current Amazonian forests might be more important than previously thought.
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Florestas , Árvores , Brasil , Guiana Francesa , Humanos , OcupaçõesRESUMO
Malaria is one of the most important human diseases throughout tropical and sub-tropical regions of the world. Global distribution and ample host range have contributed to the genetic diversity of the etiological agent, Plasmodium. Phylogeographical analyses demonstrated that Plasmodium falciparum and Plasmodium vivax follow an Out of Africa (OOA) expansion, having a higher genetic diversity in African populations and a low genetic diversity in South American populations. Modeling the evolutionary rate of conserved genes for both P. falciparum and P. vivax determined the approximate arrival of human malaria in South America. Bayesian computational methods suggest that P. falciparum originated in Africa and arrived in South America through multiple independent introductions by the transatlantic African slave trade; however, in South America, P. vivax could have been introduced through an alternate migratory route. Alignments of P. vivax mitogenomes have revealed low genetic variation between the South American and Southeast Asian populations suggesting introduction through either pre-Columbian human migration or post-colonization events. To confirm the findings of these phylogeographical analyses, molecular methods were used to diagnose malaria infection in archeological remains of pre-Columbian ethnic groups. Immunohistochemistry tests were used and identified P. vivax but not P. falciparum in histologically prepared tissues from pre-Columbian Peruvian mummies, whereas shotgun metagenomics sequencing of DNA isolated from pre-Columbian Caribbean coprolites revealed Plasmodium-homologous reads; current evidence suggests that only P. vivax might have been present in pre-Columbian South America.
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Malária Vivax/epidemiologia , Malária Vivax/parasitologia , Epidemiologia Molecular , Filogeografia , Plasmodium vivax/classificação , Plasmodium vivax/genética , Região do Caribe/epidemiologia , Humanos , América do Sul/epidemiologiaRESUMO
BACKGROUND: The study of ancient microorganisms in mineralized dental plaque or calculi is providing insights into microbial evolution, as well as lifestyles and disease states of extinct cultures; yet, little is still known about the oral microbial community structure and function of pre-Columbian Caribbean cultures. In the present study, we investigated the dental calculi microbiome and predicted function of one of these cultures, known as the Saladoid. The Saladoids were horticulturalists that emphasized root-crop production. Fruits, as well as small marine and terrestrial animals were also part of the Saladoid diet. METHODS: Dental calculi samples were recovered from the archaeological site of Sorcé, in the municipal island of Vieques, Puerto Rico, characterized using 16S rRNA gene high-throughput sequencing, and compared to the microbiome of previously characterized coprolites of the same culture, as well modern plaque, saliva and stool microbiomes available from the Human Microbiome Project. RESULTS: Actinobacteria, Proteobacteria and Firmicutes comprised the majority of the Saladoid dental calculi microbiome. The Saladoid dental calculi microbiome was distinct when compared to those of modern saliva and dental plaque, but showed the presence of common inhabitants of modern oral cavities including Streptococcus sp., Veillonella dispar and Rothia mucilaginosa. Cell motility, signal transduction and biosynthesis of other secondary metabolites may be unique features of the Saladoid microbiome. DISCUSSION: Results suggest that the Saladoid dental calculi microbiome structure and function may possibly reflect a horticulturalist lifestyle and distinct dietary habits. Results also open the opportunity to further elucidate oral disease states in extinct Caribbean cultures and extinct indigenous cultures with similar lifestyles.
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A recent report on the taxonomic profile of the human gut microbiome in pre-Columbian mummies (Santiago-Rodriguez et al. 2016) gives for the first time evidence of the presence of Leishmania DNA (sequences similar to Leishmania donovani according to the authors) that can be reminiscent of visceral leishmaniasis during the pre-Columbian era. It is commonly assumed that Leishmania infantum, the etiological agent of American visceral leishmaniasis (AVL) was introduced into the New World by the Iberian conquest. This finding is really surprising and must be put into perspective with what is known from an AVL epidemiological and historical point of view. Beside L. infantum, there are other species that are occasionally reported to cause AVL in the New World. Among these, L. colombiensis is present in the region of pre-Columbian mummies studied. Other explanations for these findings include a more ancient introduction of a visceral species of Leishmania from the Old World or the existence of a yet unidentified endemic species causing visceral leishmaniasis in South America. Unfortunately, very few molecular data are known about this very long pre-Columbian period concerning the circulating species of Leishmania and their diversity in America.
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Leishmaniose Visceral/microbiologia , Múmias/microbiologia , Animais , DNA de Protozoário , Evolução Molecular , Humanos , Leishmania/classificação , Leishmania/genética , Leishmaniose Visceral/epidemiologia , Leishmaniose Visceral/transmissão , América do SulRESUMO
he aim of the study was to evaluate the presence and characteristics of dental modifications in pre-Columbian populations from three archaeological sites in the Costa Rican territory (Nacascolo, Jícaro and La Cascabel) in order to describe them according to previous classification. Specimens were obtained from the collections of the National Museum of Costa Rica. All specimens were macroscopically analyzed and the pieces were classified. Photographic records were taken to each piece and a full description was done. Sixty one pieces with dental modifications were found. The types of dental modifications found were classified as A1, C2/C6, A2, C2, C1, E1 and A3 in order of prevalence. In conclusion, dental modifications were found in most of specimens. Particularly, C2/C6 modification was not reported by previous classifications.
l objetivo del estudio fue evaluar la presencia y características de las modificaciones dentales de las poblaciones precolombinas de tres sitios arqueológicos en el territorio Costarricense (Nacascolo, Jícaro y La Cascabel) con el fin de describirlas de acuerdo a una clasificación previa. Los especímenes fueron obtenidos de las colecciones del Museo Nacional de Costa Rica. Todos los especímenes fueron analizados macroscópicamente y las piezas fueron clasificadas. Cada pieza contó con un registro fotográfico y una descripción completa. Sesenta y un piezas fueron encontradas con modificaciones dentales. Los tipos de modificaciones dentales encontrados fueron clasificados como A1, C2/C6, A2, C2, C1 E1 y A3 en orden de prevalencia. En conclusión, en la mayoría de piezas dentales analizadas se encontraron modificaciones dentales. Particularmente, la modificación C2/C6 no ha sido reportada por clasificaciones previas.
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Over 450 pre-Columbian (pre-AD 1492) geometric ditched enclosures ("geoglyphs") occupy â¼13,000 km2 of Acre state, Brazil, representing a key discovery of Amazonian archaeology. These huge earthworks were concealed for centuries under terra firme (upland interfluvial) rainforest, directly challenging the "pristine" status of this ecosystem and its perceived vulnerability to human impacts. We reconstruct the environmental context of geoglyph construction and the nature, extent, and legacy of associated human impacts. We show that bamboo forest dominated the region for ≥6,000 y and that only small, temporary clearings were made to build the geoglyphs; however, construction occurred within anthropogenic forest that had been actively managed for millennia. In the absence of widespread deforestation, exploitation of forest products shaped a largely forested landscape that survived intact until the late 20th century.
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Arqueologia , Conservação dos Recursos Naturais , Floresta Úmida , Brasil , HumanosRESUMO
A review is presented on cranial trepanations performed by primitive cultures. The scientific interest in this topic began after the discovery in 1965 by Ephraim G. Squier of a pre-Columbian trepanated skull, and studied by Paul Broca in Paris. Pseudotrepanation and other types of cranial manipulation are reviewed. The techniques, technology, and instruments for every type of trepanation are well known. There are a surprisingly high percentage of cases showing signs of post-trepanation survival. Indications for trepanation are speculative, perhaps magic. Although trepanation in primitive cultures is widespread around the world, and throughout time, the main fields of interest are the Neolithic Period in Europe, the pre-Columbian Period in Andean South America, and some contemporaneous Pacific and African tribes. This particular trepanation procedure has no relationship with modern Neurosurgery, or with trepanations with therapeutic purposes performed since the Greco-Roman period in Europe, and afterwards around the world.
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Medicina Tradicional/história , Trepanação/história , África , Antropologia Cultural , Remodelação Óssea , Comportamento Ritualístico , Traumatismos Craniocerebrais/cirurgia , Etnicidade/história , Europa (Continente) , Fósseis , Cefaleia/cirurgia , História do Século XVI , História do Século XIX , História do Século XX , História do Século XXI , História Antiga , Humanos , Imageamento Tridimensional , Oceania , Osteogênese , Peru , Crânio/diagnóstico por imagem , Crânio/patologia , Crânio/cirurgia , Tomografia Computadorizada por Raios X , Trepanação/instrumentação , Trepanação/métodos , Trepanação/mortalidade , CicatrizaçãoRESUMO
La cerámica precolombina es una de las expresiones artísticas que más evidencia el modo de ser y vida de los pueblos prehispánicos; en ella se vislumbran de modo especial algunos rasgos particulares del carácter de los indígenas. Entre ellos sobresale el de la placidez y alegría con que vivieron y se expresaron, lo cual quedó plasmado en las piezas multicolores de amplia sonrisa y dientes moldados, que han sobrevivido a través de los siglos.
Pre Columbian art crafts and ceramics are one of the artistic expressions that contain more evidence of life and beings of the Pre-hispanic people; in these pieces one can see particular characteristics of the aborigine. Among them, the joy and pleasantness of their daily life, which is contained in the different objects that show wide smiles and molded teeth that survived through the centuries.
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Here, we compare the fungal community composition and diversity in Amazonian Dark Earth (ADE) and the respective non-anthropogenic origin adjacent (ADJ) soils from four different sites in Brazilian Central Amazon using pyrosequencing of 18S ribosomal RNA (rRNA) gene. Fungal community composition in ADE soils were more similar to each other than their ADJ soils, except for only one site. Phosphorus and aluminum saturation were the main soil chemical factors contributing to ADE and ADJ fungal community dissimilarities. Differences in fungal richness were not observed between ADE and ADJ soil pairs regarding to the most sites. In general, the most dominant subphyla present in the soils were Pezizomycotina, Agaricomycotina, and Mortierellomycotina. The most abundant operational taxonomic units (OTUs) in ADE showed similarities with the entomopathogenic fungus Cordyceps confragosa and the saprobes Fomitopsis pinicola, Acremonium vitellinum, and Mortierellaceae sp., whereas OTUs similar to Aspergillus niger, Lithothelium septemseptatum, Heliocephala gracillis, and Pestalosphaeria sp. were more abundant in ADJ soils. Differences in fungal community composition were associated to soil chemical factors in ADE (P, Ca, Zn, Mg, organic matter, sum of bases, and base saturation) and ADJ (Al, potential acidity, Al saturation, B, and Fe) soils. These results contribute to a deeper view of the fungi communities in ADE and open new perspectives for entomopathogenic fungi studies.