Scarcity nationalism during COVID-19: Identifying the impact on trade costs.

During the COVID-19 pandemic, many countries used export and import policy as a tool to expand the availability of scarce critical medical products in the domestic market (scarcity nationalism). This paper assesses the direct and indirect (via trade in intermediates) increases in trade costs of critical medical goods resulting from these uncooperative policies. The results show that scarcity nationalism led to substantial increases in trade costs between February 2020 and December 2021 for most COVID-19 critical medical products, particularly garments (for example, face masks) and ventilators. The exception is vaccines, which saw a reduction in trade costs, which, however, was driven by the reduction in indirect trade costs for high-income countries, consistent with the view of a COVID-19 vaccine production club.

The changing contours of global value chains post-COVID: Evidence from the Commonwealth.

The COVID-19 pandemic emphasised the global value chains (GVCs) debate by focussing on whether gains from GVC participation outweigh firms associated risks of demand and supply shocks amid rising protectionism. This paper bridges the gap between the international trade and management literature by examining the impact of COVID-19 on Commonwealth countries, an area that has received scant attention in academic literature. Using the Eora database, we simulate scenarios to examine Commonwealth countries' participation in GVCs post-COVID. We draw on the transaction cost economics (TCE) theory to develop a framework that investigates whether growing protectionism, associated with reshoring, decoupling and nearshoring, could potentially affect the constellation and participation of Commonwealth countries in GVCs post-COVID. Results show that trade protectionism is likely to impact the supply chains and lead to GVC reconfiguration, which could offer opportunities for the Commonwealth countries and firms to potentially gain following the geographical redistribution of suppliers.

Interplay of Environmental Regulation and Local Protectionism in China.

Environmental regulation (ER) and local protectionism (LP) are important policy tools for Chinese local governments to improve the environment and promote growth, respectively, but we know little about their interplay in dealing with pollution-intensive industries and enterprises. Using spatial correlation analysis and spatial panel simultaneous equations models, we investigated the spatial characteristics and interactions of the ER and LP in China's 285 prefectural cities. We found that the high-ER-intensity areas were spreading from the eastern to the central and western regions, and the patterns of LP transited from high in the north and low in the south to high in the west and low in the east. There was a negative correlation spatially between ER and LP. LP could inhibit the increase in ER intensity, while the continuously increasing ER intensity could restrict LP through the competitive behavior from the "race to the bottom" to the "race to the top" among local governments. The effect of ER restricting LP was significant from 2008 to 2013 and prominent in the east, which was dominated by "race to the top" competition, while LP had a greater inhibitory effect on ER in the central and western regions, which preferred to obtain tax revenues from pollution-intensive industries. The results imply that removing the roots of local protectionism, improving the environmental governance system, and formulating differentiated regional environmental regulatory measures will help local governments balance economic growth and environmental protection.

The Import Substitution Trap in the Realities of the Automotive Industry.

The article examines mechanisms underlying the formation of the "import substitution trap," which is a stable ineffective institution that serves as a means of protecting national producers from foreign competition. The costs and risks of rooting this institution in the Russian automotive industry are analyzed, the import substitution strategies of the Russian government at the current stage of the industry's development are investigated, the experience of import substitution in the foreign automotive industry is summarized. The conclusion is substantiated that the import substitution policy brings short-term effects but is disadvantageous in the long term. Domestic substitutes can gain a strong market position but their success is fragile and requires continued government support and protectionist patronage. The author shows that the policy of import substitution becomes successful when it relies on competition, when the domestic import substitute, having entered the market and strengthened its position, is gradually deprived of preferential conditions, and the state support of its manufacturer is gradually cut while the market is transferred to a "freewheeling" mode for all players.

Why the world economy needs, but will not get, more globalization in the post-COVID-19 decade.

Contractor argues that the coronavirus outbreak only had temporary effects on the global economy, and that post COVID-19 globalization will resume. We posit that the pandemic will have significant long-lasting effects on globalization. Our arguments are grounded in three observations. First, the pandemic has increased inter- and intra-country inequalities and has reversed trends in poverty reduction, which will intensify anti-globalization sentiments in the future. Second, the pandemic has fueled populism, nationalism, and the return of the interventionist state in the economy, which has paved the way for a rise in protectionism. Third, governmental responses to the COVID-19 crisis have undermined the multilateral institutions that have thus far facilitated globalization. These forces have resulted in growing global uncertainty and higher costs in international transactions. We argue that global value chains' reconfiguration will result in a less globalized, and more regionally fragmented world economy. We conclude by suggesting two fertile opportunities for international business scholars: researching commitment failure in international transactions and studying resilience, as illustrative examples of lines of inquiry that can help explain why this latest pandemic will compromise trends in globalization that have dominated the world economy for a long time.

Contractor argumente que l'épidémie de coronavirus n'a eu que des impacts temporaires sur l'économie mondiale et que la globalisation post COVID-19 reprendra. Nous postulons que la pandémie aura des effets durables importants sur la globalisation. Nos arguments reposent sur trois observations. Premièrement, la pandémie a accru les inégalités intra- et inter-pays et a inversé les tendances liées à la réduction de la pauvreté, ce qui intensifiera les sentiments anti-globalisation à l'avenir. Deuxièmement, la pandémie a alimenté le populisme, le nationalisme et le retour de l'État interventionniste dans l'économie, ce qui a ouvert la voie à une montée du protectionnisme. Troisièmement, les réponses gouvernementales à la crise du COVID-19 ont affaibli les institutions multilatérales qui ont jusqu'à présent facilité la globalisation. Ces forces ont entraîné une incertitude globale croissante et des coûts plus élevés dans les transactions internationales. Nous argumentons que la reconfiguration des chaînes de valeur globales se traduira par une économie mondiale moins globalisée, mais plus fragmentée au niveau régional. Nous concluons en suggérant deux opportunités fertiles pour les chercheurs en affaires internationales : mener la recherche sur l'échec de l'engagement dans les transactions internationales et étudier la résilience comme exemples illustratifs des pistes de recherche qui permettraient d'expliquer pourquoi cette pandémie actuelle compromettra les tendances de la globalisation lesquelles ont dominé l'économie mondiale depuis longtemps.

Contractor sostiene que el brote del coronavirus solamente tuvo efectos temporales en la economía global, y que la globalización post COVID-19 se reanudará. Planteamos que la pandemia tendrá importantes efectos duraderos en la globalización. Nuestros argumentos se basan en tres observaciones. Primero, la pandemia ha aumentado las desigualdades entre países y dentro de los países y ha invertido las tendencias de reducción de pobreza, lo cual va a intensificar los sentimientos anti-globalización en el futuro. Segundo, la pandemia ha alimentado el populismo, el nacionalismo, y el retorno al Estado intervencionista en la economía lo cual preparó el camino para un aumento del proteccionismo. Tercero, las respuestas gubernamentales a la crisis del COVID-19 ha debilitado las instituciones multilaterales que han facilitado hasta ahora la globalización. Estas fuerzas han provocado un aumento de la incertidumbre global y un mayor costo en las transacciones internacionales. Sostenemos que la reconfiguración de las cadenas globales de valor tendrá como resultado una economía mundial menos globalizada, y más fragmentada regionalmente. Concluimos sugiriendo dos oportunidades propicias para los académicos de Negocios Internacionales: la investigación del fracaso del compromiso en las transacciones internacionales y el estudio de la resiliencia, como ejemplos ilustrativos de las líneas de investigación que pueden ayudar a explicar por qué esta última pandemia pone en peligro las tendencias de la globalización que han dominado que han dominado la economía mundial durante mucho tiempo.

Contractor argumenta que o surto de coronavírus teve apenas efeitos temporários na economia global e que a globalização pós-COVID-19 será retomada. Postulamos que a pandemia terá efeitos significativos de longa duração sobre a globalização. Nossos argumentos são baseados em três observações. Em primeiro lugar, a pandemia aumentou as desigualdades entre e dentro dos países, e reverteu as tendências de redução da pobreza, o que intensificará sentimentos antiglobalização no futuro. Em segundo lugar, a pandemia alimentou o populismo, o nacionalismo e o retorno do estado intervencionista na economia, o que abriu caminho para um aumento do protecionismo. Em terceiro lugar, respostas governamentais à crise do COVID-19 minaram as instituições multilaterais que até agora facilitaram a globalização. Essas forças resultaram em crescente incerteza global e custos mais altos nas transações internacionais. Argumentamos que a reconfiguração das cadeias globais de valor resultará em uma economia mundial menos globalizada e mais regionalmente fragmentada. Concluímos sugerindo duas oportunidades férteis para acadêmicos de negócios internacionais: pesquisar falhas de comprometimento em transações internacionais e estudar resiliência, como exemplos ilustrativos de linhas de pesquisa que podem ajudar a explicar por que esta última pandemia comprometerá tendências da globalização que dominaram a economia mundial por um muito tempo.

Does protectionism improve environment of developing countries? A perspective of environmental efficiency assessment.

Past studies related to embodied pollutant accounting reported that free trade has increased the environmental pollution of developing economies, because the developed countries "outsource" their pollutants to developing nations. The COVID-19 pandemic has stimulated the rise of the most serious protectionism after World War II. This study is aimed to discuss whether protectionism improve the environment in developing countries by developing a comprehensive evaluation model, which integrates multi-regional input-output (MRIO), data envelopment analysis (DEA), and scenario analysis. We revealed the role of protectionism from two perspectives: the single impact on pollutant emissions and the comprehensive impact on environmental efficiency. Specifically, the capital inputs, labor inputs, energy consumption, economic output, carbon dioxide, sulfur dioxide and nitrogen oxides emissions related to global trade activities were simulated based on the MRIO. And then, sector-level trade environmental efficiency was computed by intergrading the MRIO and DEA using a non-radial directional distance function. Finally, the environmental efficiency of both developing and developed countries under two scenarios with and without trade were estimated. The results confirmed that trade has increased the CO2, SO2 and NOX emissions of developing economies by 12.9%, 9.8% and 12.3%, and has reduced that of developed economies by 6.0%, 29.4% and 21.2%, respectively. However, the results also uncovered that the environmental efficiency of developing and developed economies was dropped by 3% and 5%, respectively, under no-trade scenario. We contend that protectionism is not conducive to the sustainable development of developing countries because it lowers their environmental efficiency, although it may reduce their territorial pollutant emissions. For developed countries, the single impact of protectionism on pollutant emission reduction and the comprehensive impact on environmental efficiency are both negative.

The Impacts of COVID-19 on China's Economy and Energy in the Context of Trade Protectionism.

In the current context of rising trade protectionism, deeply understanding the impacts of COVID-19 on economy and energy has important practical significance for China to cope with external shocks in an uncertain environment and enhance economic resilience. By constructing an integrated economic and energy input-output model including the COVID-19 shock, this paper assesses the impacts of COVID-19 on China's macro-economy and energy consumption in the context of trade protectionism. The results are shown as follows. First, in the context of protectionism, the outbreak of COVID-19 in China would cause a 2.2-3.09% drop in China's GDP and a 1.56-2.48% drop in energy consumption, while adverse spillovers from global spread of COVID-19 would reduce its GDP by 2.27-3.28% and energy consumption by 2.48-3.49%. Second, the negative impacts of domestic outbreak on China's construction, non-metallic mineral products, and services would be on average 1.29% higher than those on other industries, while the impacts of global spread of COVID-19 on export-oriented industries such as textiles and wearing apparel would be on average 1.23% higher than other industries. Third, the effects of two wave of the pandemic on China's fossil energy consumption would be on average 1.44% and 0.93% higher than non-fossil energy consumption, respectively.

Conspiracy Mentality Predicts Public Opposition to Foreign Trade.

The proliferation of protectionist sentiments and policies has raised questions about the psychological sources of trade openness among the public. The current research investigated the effects of a previously neglected factor on attitudes toward international trade: conspiracy mentality. Conspiracy mentality describes the generalized belief that political and economic events are controlled by powerful malevolent forces acting in secret. Using data from a cross-sectional survey of German adults (N = 391), I hypothesized and found that conspiracy mentality is uniquely associated with the perceived threat posed by foreign trade and opposition to international trade. These findings suggest that individual differences in conspiracy mentality make an important contribution to understanding the fears associated with economic globalization.

Are tariffs bad for growth? Yes, say five decades of data from 150 countries.

The empirical evidence on the growth effects of import tariffs is sparse in the literature, notwithstanding strong views held by the public and politicians. Using an annual panel of macroeconomic data for 151 countries over 1963-2014, we find that tariff increases are associated with an economically and statistically sizeable and persistent decline in output growth. Thus, fears that the ongoing trade war may be costly for the world economy in terms of foregone output growth are justified.

A strong dollar: help or harm?

Strong policies that deliver stronger fundamentals and a stronger currency are very much in the national interest. There can be some short-term advantages to currency depreciation, but the United States is better served by making clear that we intend to pursue strong policies, and in turn that generates a well-functioning international order. There has been a lot of progress with internationalization of the Renminbi, but there are some pretty serious obstacles to its becoming a major reserve currency. Clearly the Chinese Renminbi is playing more of a role in international finance. However, there are foundations for being a major international currency, and right now China does not seem to be moving too quickly to build those. These include capital controls, heavy management of the exchange rate, and financial repression. The phase one managed trade deal with China has targets that are likely unachievable, and continuing protectionist US policies would more likely put upward pressure on the dollar. It would be nice for the US dollar to remain strong because we have really good policy and fundamentals. It seems more likely we're going to remain strong because looking at Europe, Japan, and China, nobody is an impressive competitor.

Growth and trade in the United States and the world economy: Overview.

After the slow recovery from the 2008-2009 global financial crisis, the world economy faced slower growth than in the previous decade and even the prospect of a new global financial crisis. This paper starts by examining the reasons for the slow economic recovery and growth in the after the 2008-2009 global financial crisis and "great recession". Then, it examines the reasons the United States grew faster than other advanced countries (especially Europe and Japan), the slowing growth of emerging market economies (and even economic crisis in some of them), and whether the world is now (February 2020) sliding toward a new global financial crisis and recession.

Harnessing artificial intelligence (AI) to increase wellbeing for all: The case for a new technology diplomacy.

The field of artificial intelligence (AI) is experiencing a period of intense progress due to the consolidation of several key technological enablers. AI is already deployed widely and has a high impact on work and daily life activities. The continuation of this process will likely contribute to deep economic and social changes. To realise the tremendous benefits of AI while mitigating undesirable effects will require enlightened responses by many stakeholders. Varying national institutional, economic, political, and cultural conditions will influence how AI will affect convenience, efficiency, personalisation, privacy protection, and surveillance of citizens. Many expect that the winners of the AI development race will dominate the coming decades economically and geopolitically, potentially exacerbating tensions between countries. Moreover, nations are under pressure to protect their citizens and their interests-and even their own political stability-in the face of possible malicious or biased uses of AI. On the one hand, these different stressors and emphases in AI development and deployment among nations risk a fragmentation between world regions that threatens technology evolution and collaboration. On the other hand, some level of differentiation will likely enrich the global AI ecosystem in ways that stimulate innovation and introduce competitive checks and balances through the decentralisation of AI development. International cooperation, typically orchestrated by intergovernmental and non-governmental organisations, private sector initiatives, and by academic researchers, has improved common welfare and avoided undesirable outcomes in other technology areas. Because AI will most likely have more fundamental effects on our lives than other recent technologies, stronger forms of cooperation that address broader policy and governance challenges in addition to regulatory and technological issues may be needed. At a time of great challenges among nations, international policy coordination remains a necessary instrument to tackle the ethical, cultural, economic, and political repercussions of AI. We propose to advance the emerging concept of technology diplomacy to facilitate the global alignment of AI policy and governance and create a vibrant AI innovation system. We argue that the prevention of malicious uses of AI and the enhancement of human welfare create strong common interests across jurisdictions that require sustained efforts to develop better, mutually beneficial approaches. We hope that new technology diplomacy will facilitate the dialogues necessary to help all interested parties develop a shared understanding and coordinate efforts to utilise AI for the benefit of humanity, a task whose difficulty should not be underestimated.

Sonography culture: Power and protectionism.

INTRODUCTION: The project aimed to explore the culture of sonography through the interpretation of the attitudes and opinions of a sample of practicing sonographers concerning the possible introduction of the graduate sonographer role. The participants' insights to their working world provided a new understanding of the professional culture of sonography and its impact on collective behaviour. METHODS: A qualitative study was undertaken using a constructivist methodology within a critical theory framework. A sample population was selected using theoretical purposive sampling. The interview transcripts were thematically analysed. RESULTS: Analysis identified main themes: protectionism, power, working world and career frameworks; these were interlinked with cross-cutting sub-themes of value, status and professional identity. The shortage of sonographers and increasing demand for ultrasound services created an imbalance that had put sonographers in a very powerful position; able to influence sonographer working practice, education and remuneration. The interpretations suggested that the initial power base of sonographers was achieved through a culture of occupational imperialism (delegation down). However, as the occupational group became established and a workforce crisis deepened, a culture of usurpation and protectionism had evolved within sonography. CONCLUSIONS: The culture of sonography had a longstanding relationship with tradition and value that provided an emotional and political platform. An increasing self-awareness of power and status, due to the workforce shortage, had fostered a usurpatory and protectionist culture encouraging resistance to any workforce transformation.

Populism and Support for Protectionism: The Relevance of Opposition to Trade Openness for Leftist and Rightist Populist Voting in The Netherlands.

Leftist and rightist populist parties in Western Europe both oppose trade openness. Is support for economic protectionism also relevant for their electorates? We assess this in the Netherlands, where both types of populist parties have seats in parliament. Analyses of representative survey data (n = 1,296) demonstrate that support for protectionism drives voting for such parties, as do the well-established determinants of political distrust (both populist constituencies), economic egalitarianism (leftist populist constituency) and ethnocentrism (rightist populist constituency). Surprisingly, support for protectionism does not mediate the relationship between economic egalitarianism and voting for left-wing populists, or the link between political distrust and voting for either left-wing or right-wing populist parties. In contrast, support for protectionism partly mediates the association between ethnocentrism and voting for right-wing populists. We discuss the largely independent role of protectionism in populist voting in relation to the cultural cleavage in politics and electoral competition, and also provide suggestions for future research.

Incumprimento Protecionista no Mercado Único da União Europeia / Protectionist Non-Compliance in the Single Market of the European Union / Infractions Protectionnistes au sein du Marché Unique de l'Union européenne / Incumplimiento Proteccionista en el Mercado Único de la Unión Europea

RESUMO Embora o mercado único da União Europeia (UE) pressuponha a inexistência de barreiras nas trocas intracomunitárias, estas barreiras persistem configurando infrações à livre circulação de bens entre Estados membros. O argumento central deste artigo é que os governos dos países da UE tendem a aceitar infringir a liberdade de circulação e a manter o status quo protecionista em setores em que os grupos de interesse econômico são mais influentes. Com base na análise estatística de duas bases de dados disponibilizadas pela Comissão Europeia, o artigo evidencia a prevalência destas infrações protecionistas na UE e analisa, em especial, como a proteção nacional é mais frequente em setores com maior capacidade de pressão, nomeadamente no setor agrícola. A experiência europeia revela-se útil para outros projetos de integração na medida em que evidencia a possibilidade de ocorrerem pressões protecionistas de grupos econômicos que resultam em violações persistentes às regras dos acordos, e mostra a necessidade de esforços contínuos por parte das instituições regionais de se oporem a esse incumprimento.

ABSTRACT Although the single market of the European Union (EU) supposes the inexistence of barriers in intracommunity trade, such barriers persist, hindering the free circulation of goods between the member states. The main argument proposed in this article is that governments of EU countries tend to accept infringements on freedom of circulation and to maintain the protectionist status quo in sectors in which groups of economic interest are most influential. Based on a statistical analysis of two databases made available by the European Commission, the article highlights the prevalence of such protectionist infractions in the EU, with a particular analysis made on how national protection is more frequent in sectors with a greater capacity for pressure, namely in the agricultural sector. The European experience is a useful comparison point for other integration projects in so far as it reveals how protectionist pressures from economic groups can lead to persistent violations of the regulations in agreements, demonstrating the need for continuous efforts by regional institutions to oppose such non-compliance.

RÉSUMÉ Bien que le Marché unique de l'Union européenne (UE) présuppose l'inexistence de barrières pour les échanges intracommunautaires, certaines d'entre elles persistent néanmoins, en infraction à la libre circulation des biens entre les États membres. L'argument central de cet article est que les gouvernements des pays de l'Union européenne tendent à accepter ces infractions à la liberté de circulation et à maintenir le statu quo protectionniste dans les secteurs où les groupes d'intérêts économiques sont les plus influents. Sur la base de l'analyse statistique de deux banques de données mises à disposition par la Commission européenne, l'article mettra en évidence la prévalence de ces infractions protectionnistes dans l'Union européenne et analysera en particulier de quelle manière la protection nationale est plus fréquente dans des secteurs disposant d'une plus grande capacité de pression, notamment le secteur agricole. L'expérience européenne s'avère utile pour d'autres projets d'intégration dans la mesure où elle met en évidence la possibilité de la survenance de pressions protectionnistes de la part de certains groupes économiques, qui peuvent parfois mener à des infractions persistantes aux règles des accords. Cela met bien évidemment en évidence la nécessité d'efforts continus de la part des institutions régionales pour s'opposer à ses infractions.

RESUMEN A pesar de que el mercado único de la Unión Europea (UE) presupone la inexistencia de barreras en los intercambios intracomunitarios, estos obstáculos persisten y motivan quebrantamientos de la libre circulación de bienes entre Estados miembros. El argumento central de este artículo es que los gobiernos de los países de la UE tienden a aceptar infringir la libertad de circulación y a mantener el status quo proteccionista en sectores en los que los grupos de interés económico son más influyentes. Apoyándose en el análisis estadístico de dos bases de dados facilitadas por la Comisión Europea, el artículo muestra la prevalencia de estas infracciones proteccionistas en la UE y analiza, en especial, en qué medida la protección nacional es más frecuente en sectores con mayor capacidad de presión, en concreto, en el sector agrícola. La experiencia europea se revela útil para otros proyectos de integración, dado que refleja la posibilidad de que se produzcan presiones proteccionistas de grupos económicos que deriven en violaciones persistentes de las reglas de los acuerdos, y muestra la necesidad de que las instituciones regionales se esfuercen constantemente por oponerse a este incumplimiento.

Respecting the Dignity of Children with Disabilities in Clinical Practice.

Prevailing philosophies about parental and other caregiver responsibilities toward children tend to be protectionist, grounded in informed benevolence in a way that countenances rather than circumvents intrusive paternalism. And among the kinds of children an adult might be called upon to parent or otherwise care for, children with disabilities figure among those for whom the strongest and snuggest shielding is supposed be deployed. In this article, we examine whether this equation of securing well-being with sheltering by protective parents and other care-givers should unreflectively be adopted for disabled children. We also consider why healthcare providers might reasonably be reluctant to yield to this principle, even if parents instinctively suppose that protectionism is the parenting policy that best serves their disabled child's interest. We contend that caregivers owe children with disabilities at least as much, and possibly more, respect for self-governance than other children need. In spite of disabled children's vulnerability and even in view of it, we argue that they should be accorded not only welfare rights to well-being but at least a modified version of liberty rights as well. Healthcare providers are especially favorably positioned to facilitate the latter response. The main components of respectful caregiving can come into conflict with one another, but we present some priorities that advise against adopting a protectionist account of parenting rights, or at least against accepting protectionist views that focus parenting narrowly on shaping ideas about the child's welfare. In sum, caring for a disabled child, we argue, involves more than creating conditions that will afford her contentment and comfort over the course of life.

The EU legislation on "GMOs" between nonsense and protectionism: An ongoing Schumpeterian chain of public choices.

The EU regulation of agricultural biotechnology is botched and convoluted: the pseudo-concept of "Genetically Modified Organisms" has no coherent semantic or scientific content. The reasons of the paradox by which the cultivation of "GMOs" is substantially banned in Europe, while enormous quantities of recombinant-DNA cereals and legumes are imported to be used as feedstuff, are explained. The Directive 2015/412, giving Member states the choice to refuse the cultivation of genetically engineered crops at a national or local level, paves the way for a mosaic-like, Harlequinesque form of protectionism: nothing resembling a well-regulated free market. In the meantime, importation of "GMO" feed goes on at full speed all over Europe. A proposal by the Commission to adjust the rules on importation according to those for cultivation has been rejected by the Parliament.This dynamics may be seen as an ongoing "Schumpeterian" chain of public choices: the calculus of consent drives politicians more than a science-based approach to law-making. The EU should restart from scratch with the right concept, i.e. the careful examination of the pros and cons, the costs and benefits of each new agricultural product ("GMO" or otherwise), freely cultivated and/or imported, assessed case by case, at last acknowledging that the biotech processes used to create new varieties are of no practical or legal relevance. In doing so, the EU would pursue its stated "better regulation" approach, cancelling any sectoral and sectarian regulation.

O princípio da precaução: dever do Estado ou protecionismo disfarçado? / x

A inclusão da saúde pública na ordem do dia dos movimentos sociais, em especial a resistência ao processo de globalização, coincide com um impasse na evolução da liberalização do comércio mundial, diante da inexistência de consenso entre os Estados sobre a questão agrícola. O princípio da precaução surge nessa complexa equação como obstáculo ao livre-comércio ou pode ser interpretado como forma de mascarar o protecionismo que caracteriza os Estados desenvolvidos.

The inclusion of public health as an agenda item within grass-roots movements, especially the anti-globalization movement, coincides with an impasse in continued liberalization of world trade, due to a lack of consensus between nations with regard to agricultural issues. The precautionary principle emerges within this complex equation as an obstacle to free trade, or as an attempt to mask the protectionist tendencies of developing nations.

O Brasil, seus sócios e seus negócios / x

O objetivo é discutir a questão da inserção do Brasil na economia mundial em um novo contexto marcado pelo fenômeno da globalização, pela constituição da Organização Mundial do Comércio -- OMC como órgão de governança econômica global e pela proliferação dos blocos regionais de comércio.

This article considers Brazil´s evolving role in a world economy marked by globalization, the creation of the World Trade Organization as an organ of global economic governance, and the proliferation of regional trading blocks.