Rape Myths and Verdict Systems: What Is Influencing Conviction Rates in Rape Trials in Scotland?

The Scottish verdict system includes three verdicts: 'guilty', 'not guilty' and 'not proven'. Politicians propose that the three-verdict system is partially to blame for the low conviction rate of rape, whereas research suggests that rape myths may be having a larger impact. To test the effects of varying verdict systems (guilty, not guilty and not proven; guilty and not guilty; a series of proven and not proven verdicts) and rape myths on juror verdicts. A total of 180 participants answered questions regarding their acceptance of rape myths using the Acceptance of Modern Myth and Sexual Aggression (AMMSA) scale. They then watched a staged rape trial filmed in a real courtroom and reached a verdict. Participants also provided longer-form answers on which thematical analysis was conducted. The main findings are as follows: (1) The special verdict system leads to a higher conviction rate than the other systems when rape myth acceptance is controlled for. (2) The higher the rape myth acceptance, the more favourably the accused was perceived and the less favourably the complainer was perceived.

Comparison of Clinical Characteristics, Gender Perceptions, and Rape-Related Beliefs of People Assessed for Criminal Liability for Rape Against Children and Adults. / Çocuga ve Eriskine Yönelik Tecavüz Suçu Nedeniyle Ceza Sorumlulugu Degerlendirilen Kisilerin Klinik Özelliklerinin, Toplumsal Cinsiyet Algilarinin ve Tecavüze Iliskin Inançlarinin Karsilastirilmasi.

OBJECTIVE: This study aimed to compare the criminal, sociodemographic and clinical characteristics, paraphilic behaviors, sexual attitudes, gender perceptions, and rape-related beliefs of people assessed for criminal liability for rape against adults and children. METHOD: The study compared 40 people investigated for criminal liability for rape against an adult (RAA) with 40 individuals investigated for criminal liability for crime of rape against a child (RAC), and 43 age, sex and education matched individuals without any sexual crime history using the Structured Clinical Interview form for DSM-5 disorders, Hendrick Brief Sexual Attitude Scale, Gender Perception Scale, Illinois Rape Myth Acceptance Scale, and Barratt Impulsiveness Scale-11. RESULTS: All participants were male. There was no difference between the groups in terms of lifelong or existing psychiatric diseases. All participants had full criminal responsibility during the crime. No participant in any group was diagnosed with a paraphilic disorder. It was determined that people in both RAC and RAA groups tended to use sexuality as a tool, paid less attention to birth control methods, had a far less egalitarian perception of gender, and their myths about rape were significantly higher compared to the control group. The control group was much more impulsive than the sex offenders. CONCLUSION: Our results show that the act of sexual assault should not be explained only by impulsivity or psychiatric disorders, and that gender perception and sexual myths may also be influential. The fact that all individuals had full criminal responsibility emphasizes the need for more research on the social and cultural origins of sexual violence.

Exploring the Underlying Constructs of Rape-Related Cognition Scales and Their Relationships With Sexual Aggression.

Rape-related cognitions (typically defined as encompassing any number of cognitive constructs) are thought to play a role in sexual aggression. However, rape-related cognition scales often assess these cognitive constructs as one. The purpose of this study is to explore the factor structure of these measures using a sample of 191 community men. We found that items from the Rape Myth Acceptance, RAPE, and Illinois Rape Myth Acceptance (IRMA) scales formed one factor, which was significantly related to sexual aggression. We further found that four and six IRMA subscales were significantly related to past and likelihood of sexual aggression, respectively. Additionally, one IRMA subscale was independently related to past and likelihood of sexual aggression. The results are discussed in terms of implications and direction for future research.

Rethinking sexual violence labels: exploring the impact of 'victim' and 'survivor' discourse.

Background: Universities' responses to sexual violence have faced scrutiny for their lack of proactiveness and their failure to address campus socio-cultural norms that contribute to rape myth acceptance. The labels victim and survivor play a crucial role in shaping attitudes toward sexual violence, but there is limited research on how university students perceive these labels.Objective: This paper explores sexual violence labels and their role in perpetuating rape culture. Undergraduate university students' beliefs on using the label survivor instead of victim to describe someone who has experienced sexual violence were examined to consider how these labels create societal discourse on sexual violence.Method: The study draws on qualitative data collected from undergraduate students in Canada and the United States through open-response questions in an interactive textbook. Data were analysed and interpreted using a multi-method approach that combined principles of Critical Discourse Analysis and Feminist Poststructuralism. Direct quotes and word clouds from participants' responses are used as evidence and to visually display discourse.Results: Findings revealed that participants recognised the negative societal discourses associated with the label victim and supported using survivor to challenge perceptions of sexual violence. Despite this, participants expressed hesitancy to adopt the label survivor because of the potential negative implications, such as the label promoting the allocation of individual blame, increasing barriers to justice, and reducing the perceived severity of sexual violence.Conclusions: This study underscores the complexities of sexual violence labels, the influence of language in shaping societal perceptions, and the need for a more comprehensive and equitable approach to responding to sexual violence.

Dichotomy of Labels and Nuanced Perceptions: Sexual violence labels shape identity perceptions. Participants dichotomised the labels victim and survivor, associating one with negative attributes and the other with positive attributes. However, nuanced views of how people perceive and identify with these labels challenge distinct categories. Victims being negatively perceived, while survivors are admired for their resiliency highlights complexities in societal expectations that may not fully address the underlying determinants of sexual violence.Role of Language in Reproduction of Rape Culture: Poststructuralist theories emphasise the role of language in the production and maintenance of discourse. The study shows that victim discourse is steeped in rape myths. The historical discourse surrounding the label may contribute to the perpetuation of negative attitudes and behaviours toward victims of sexual violence. The emergence of the label survivor reflects a societal shift, but findings suggest this may lead to societal complacency towards sexual violence.Spectrum of Severity and Societal Empathy: Participants' understanding of sexual violence as a spectrum of severity may lead to unequal levels of empathy and support. This discourse creates positions of dominance and oppression, potentially marginalising certain groups who are disproportionately affected by sexual violence. The study highlights how severity discourse can influence institutional agendas and may result in political and institutional neglect of sexual violence.

Measuring Electronically Shared Rape Myths: Scale Creation and Correlates.

Increased access to information online (e.g., social media) provides opportunities for exposure to rape myths (i.e., false beliefs about incidents of sexual assault). Social media, in particular, may serve a critical role in shaping rape culture. Thus, it is important to identify ways to assess online exposure to rape myths, especially given the influence online exposure may have on offline behaviors. Data were analyzed from 2,609 18-25-year-old participants (mean age = 20.9 years; 46.1% male; 71.6% White) recruited in 2017 through social media to complete an online survey on experiences and perceptions of sexual violence. We used exploratory and confirmatory factor analyses (EFA, CFA) to evaluate the relatedness of nine items adapted to reflect rape myths posted by friends on social media. We split the sample into training (50%) and testing (50%) sets for the EFA and CFA, respectively, then evaluated the correlation between experiences of sexual violence, substance use, and social media use and exposure to online rape myths. Eigenvalues (1-factor: 5.509; 2-factor: 0.803; 3-factor: 0.704; 4-factor: 0.482), factor loadings, fit statistics (RMSEA: 0.03; CFI: 0.99; TLI: 0.99; SRMR: 0.057), interpretability, and existing theory supported a 1-factor solution, which was supported by CFA fit statistics (RMSEA: 0.021; CFI: 0.99; TLI: 0.99; SRMR: 0.038). Cronbach's alpha of the nine items was .77. Greater exposure to online rape myths was associated with greater likelihood of attempted rape perpetration (ß = .052, SE = .016, p < .005), rape victimization (ß = .045, SE = .009, p < .005), use of illicit drugs (ß = .021, SE = 0.008, p < .05), being male (ß = .017, SE = .008, p < .05), and being younger (ß = -.008, SE = .002, p < .005). Our findings support assessing exposure to online rape myths, which may be important for informing sexual violence prevention and intervention efforts.

The Impacts of Conservatism, Social Dominance, and Rape Myth Acceptance on Blame Attribution in Ambiguous Rape Scenarios.

Participants (N = 496) reviewed an ambiguous rape scenario involving a "perpetrator," either in a high or low authority position, and a "victim," who had or had not consumed alcohol. They indicated whether they viewed what happened as rape, and rated the perceived responsibility of the individuals involved. They also completed Conservatism and Rape Myth Acceptance (RMA) scales. Most believed the scenario to constitute rape. Perpetrator responsibility ratings were highest in the high-authority condition, and victims were assigned greater responsibility when they had consumed alcohol. Those who scored higher on the Conservatism/RMA scale attributed less responsibility to the perpetrator and more responsibility to the victim across all conditions.

The Relationship Between Rape Myths, Revictimization by Law Enforcement, and Well-Being for Victims of Sexual Assault.

Relationships between rape myths, revictimization, and postassault well-being were examined in a sample of adult victims of sexual assault (n = 88). Correlation, multiple regression, and path analyses investigated whether conformity to stereotypes of "real rape" or "real victim" was associated with revictimization and well-being. A possible mediating effect of revictimization on the relationship between rape myth conformity and well-being was assessed. The relationship between specific revictimization behaviors and emotions was also analyzed. Questioning victims' resistance to the assault was correlated with revictimization emotions. "Real victim" characteristics were associated with well-being, but no mediating effect of revictimization was observed.

Developmental Considerations in How Defense Attorneys Employ Child Sexual Abuse and Rape Myths When Questioning Alleged Victims of Child Sexual Abuse.

Myths and misconceptions surrounding the nature of sexual assault play a role in shaping the perceptions of victims as credible and perpetrators as culpable. Defense attorneys often capitalize on myths in court as an element of their defense strategies. Researchers have established that myths about both rape generally, and child sexual abuse (CSA) specifically, appear with regularity in criminal trials of children who have made an allegation of CSA. Yet no work has systematically and quantitatively examined the impact of a child's age on the probability that attorneys will ask a myth-consistent question in criminal trials of CSA. In the current study, we examine 6,384 lines of questioning across 134 criminal trials of CSA to assess whether defense attorneys employ developmentally sensitive strategies when asking children questions that draw upon myths about sexual violence (CSA myths: disclosure myths, extent of harm, a child's positive relationship with their perpetrator, and the presence of witnesses; Rape myths: force and resistance, motives to lie, victim precipitation, and character issues). We found that attorneys did not vary their use of CSA myths by the age of the child. However, the probability that a child would receive a rape myth-consistent line of questioning, increased with a child's age. This work suggests that attorneys are, at times, strategic in their use of myths and employ these adult rape myths in ways that are plausible, purposeful, and likely impactful. The strategic use of these questions may acknowledge young children's limited development but may place too great a demand on older children's developmental capacities. Prosecutors should be prepared to counterquestion these myths in redirect examination.

Metaanálisis de generalización de la fiabilidad de los mitos de violación / Meta-analysis of reliability generalization of the rape myths

Resumen Los mitos de violación son actitudes y creencias generalmente falsas, amplias y persistentes, acerca de la violación, la víctima y el agresor, que son utilizadas para negar o justificar la agresión sexual hacia las mujeres. En las últimas dos décadas, los instrumentos más utilizados para medir este constructo corresponden a la escala de aceptación de mitos de violación de Illinois (IRMAS), que utiliza expresiones directas y explícitas mediante un lenguaje clásico, y la escala de aceptación de mitos modernos de agresión sexual (AMMSA) que usa un lenguaje sutil, indirecto y moderno. Se realizó un metaanálisis de generalización de la fiabilidad de 69 estudios empíricos que utilizaron alguna de las dos escalas de mitos de violación. El objetivo fue estimar la fiabilidad media de las puntuaciones combinadas de las escalas IRMAS y AMMSA para obtener un valor aproximado de su fiabilidad general y evaluar el posible efecto moderador de algunas variables de interés. El promedio de la fiabilidad por consistencia interna de las puntuaciones de las escalas para las 98 muestras estudiadas fue de .85, IC95 % [.84, .86]. Se observó una alta heterogeneidad (I. = 96 %), y el número de ítems es la única variable moderadora que explica significativamente la variabilidad de la fiabilidad observada. Estos resultados muestran que ambas escalas presentan índices de consistencia interna aceptables en sus diversas aplicaciones. Por lo tanto, las medidas de aceptación de mitos de violación cumplen con los criterios de fiabilidad adecuados para ser utilizadas en investigaciones empíricas en distintos contextos.

Abstract Rape myths are widespread and persistent attitudes, beliefs, and stereotypes, usually false, about rape, the victim, and the perpetrator. Their function is to deny and justify sexual assaults against women, affecting the victim's attributions of responsibility and the perpetrator's attributions of guilt in rape cases. These myths exert a bias in the processing of information, directing attention and perception toward stimuli that justify the victim's responsibility for sexual aggression. These beliefs can be grouped into several types of myths: Myths that hold the victim responsible by arguing that women should be careful and not expose themselves to avoid sexual aggression, myths that justify and reduce the responsibility of the aggressor by stating that the man could not contain his sexual desire and those myths that deny or normalize sexual aggression, which propose that rape occurs only in very specific contexts. In the last two decades, the instruments most commonly used to measure these beliefs are The Illinois Rape Myth Acceptance Scale (IRMAS), which uses direct and explicit expressions through classic language, and the Modern Sexual Assault Myth Acceptance Scale (AMMSA), where its expressions are modern, subtle and indirect. Considering the wide use of these instruments, it is justified to provide empirical evidence showing information on the psychometric properties of these scales. One of the procedures for synthesizing empirical results is meta-analyses (MA). This methodology can synthesize studies of specific variables and analyze the psychometric properties of the measurement instruments, providing relevant information on the quality of a given scale. Within this last type of RM are reliability generalizations (RG), those that study the reliability coefficients obtained in different applications of a scale, providing evidence on the properties of the measures used in measuring a construct. A meta-analysis of the RGs of 69 empirical studies that used any of the rape myth scales was performed. The objective was to estimate the mean reliability of the combined scores of the IRMAS and AMMSA scales to obtain an approximate value of their overall reliability and to assess the possible moderating effect of some variables of interest (e.g., research design, culture, sample type, etc.). The mean internal consistency reliability of the scale scores for the 98 samples studied was .85, 95 % C.I. [.84, .86] and the mean coefficient for each of the IRMAS and AMMSA scales was .84 and .85 respectively. All these values are above .80, a value established as satisfactory reliability of the instrument for general research. The Cronbach's alpha coefficients reported by the studies ranged from .71 to .98, with values considered moderate to excellent. These results show that both scales present acceptable internal consistency indices in various applications. There is high heterogeneity (I. = 96 %), with the number of items being the only moderating variable significantly explaining the observed reliability variability. This result was to be expected, given that the effect of test length on the estimation of reliability indices has a long tradition and is widely known in the psychometric literature.

Masculinity Threats Sequentially Arouse Public Discomfort, Anger, and Positive Attitudes Toward Sexual Violence.

Three experiments (N = 943) tested whether men (but not women) responded to gender threats with increased concern about how one looks in the eyes of others (i.e., public discomfort) and subsequent anger that, in turn, predicted attitudes about sexual violence. Consistent with predictions, for men, learning that one is like a woman was associated with threat-related emotions (public discomfort and anger) that, in turn, predicted the increased likelihood to express intent to engage in quid-pro-quo sexual harassment (Study 1), recall sexually objectifying others (Study 2), endorse sexual narcissism (Study 2), and accept rape myths (Study 3). These findings support the notion that failures to uphold normative and socially valued embodiments of masculinity are associated with behavioral intentions and attitudes associated with sexual violence. The implications of these findings for the endurance of sexual violence are discussed.

Everyday Sadism as a Predictor of Rape Myth Acceptance and Perception of Harassment.

The #MeToo movement has stressed the need to understand why individuals who witness sexual violence may or may not take action. However, prevention programs usually fail to address the association between personality traits and attitudes, perception, and behavior in the context of sexual violence. To improve prevention programs' effectiveness, it is vital to understand how personality traits might interfere with willingness to engage in bystander intervention. This study aims to explore the relationships between Everyday Sadism, perception of harassment, Rape Myths and gender in a sample of 177 participants recruited online. Analyses revealed significant gender differences, with men endorsing more Rape Myths, perceiving less harassment, and being more sadistic. Gender and everyday sadism emerged as significant predictors of perception of harassment. In the case of Rape Myths, age emerged as an additional predictor. These results have several implications, ranging from expanding our knowledge of the influence of everyday sadism on factors known to modulate bystander behaviors as well as informing and shaping the development of prevention programs.

Male Victims of Sexual Assault: A Review of the Literature.

Compared to female rape victims, the literature addressing male rape victims remains a growing area of interest for counselors and scholars. This article aims to review the growing literature on male sexual assault victims. Specifically, the review will examine the literature on male victims of sexual assault in nine sections: (a) an overview of male sexual assault, (b) male rape myths, (c) prevalence, (d) responses to male victimization, (e) populations and perpetrators of male victimization, (f) risk factors, (g) reporting, (h) the impact of sexual assault on men, (i) help-seeking, and (j) implications for counseling. Empirical studies, case reports, and books are included in the review.

Modern Rape Myths: Justifying Victim and Perpetrator Blame in Sexual Violence.

Rape myths are beliefs, stereotypes, and attitudes usually false, widespread, and persistent about rape, victims, and perpetrators. They aim to deny and justify men's sexual assault against women. This study evaluates the mediating effect of modern rape myths on the relationship between gender system justification and attribution of blame to both victim and perpetrator in a fictional case of sexual violence. A total of 375 individuals residing in Chile, 255 women and 120 men, 19-81 years (M = 37.6 SD = 13.06) participated in the study. Results from a Structural Equation Model show that gender system justification is directly related to the attribution of blame to the victim, showing an indirect relationship throughout the modern rape myth. However, gender system justification and attribution of blame to the aggressor are indirectly related, being mediated by modern rape myths. The study of the relationship between the acceptance of modern rape myths, gender-specific system justification, and victim and aggressor blame for rape is a contribution to understanding beliefs justifying sexual violence against women.

A Qualitative Investigation of Service Providers' Experiences Supporting Raped and Sexually Abused Men.

Substantial gaps remain in our understanding of the risks and barriers that exist for men affected by rape and sexual abuse. The present research utilized semi-structured interviews with 12 service providers from specialist organizations in the United Kingdom. An interpretative phenomenological analysis revealed three superordinate themes: (a) survivors' needs for agency, safety, and control as functions of their masculinity; (b) the impact of rape myths and their challenge to therapeutic intervention; and (c) survivors' expectations around reporting and the police. The role of masculinity and social stigma permeated participants' accounts, with negative stereotypes and male rape myths influencing reporting, access to services, and survivors' coping mechanisms. Results are discussed in relation to current service provision within the United Kingdom, and avenues for improvement are suggested.

Myths and Misunderstandings About Child Sexual Abuse in Criminal Investigations.

Researchers have established that rape myths shape perceptions of victims and perpetrators in criminal cases. Researchers have devoted less attention to exploring the impact of child sexual abuse (CSA) myths in court. While we know that jurors believe myths and misconceptions about the nature of CSA, no work has explored how these myths appear during the prosecution of CSA cases. The purpose of the present investigation was to assess how defense attorneys apply myths more specific to CSA in the questioning of children testifying about alleged CSA. The present study compliments and expands upon a previous study by St. George and colleagues (2021a), where authors examined the use of rape myths in the questioning of children making allegations of CSA. In the current study, we examined testimonies of 122 children testifying in criminal cases of alleged CSA in the United States. We qualitatively coded 6,384 lines of questioning for references to CSA-focused myths related to the disclosure process, witnesses and privacy issues, assumptions of harm, and the child's positive relationship with the perpetrator. These myths were common, occurring in over 10% of defense attorneys' lines of questioning. Disclosure issues were the most frequent, followed by witness and privacy issues, assumptions of harm, and the child's positive relationship with their perpetrator. In many cases, attorneys employed different strategies across child's age to highlight these myths. These findings compliment those of prior work suggesting that CSA myths, much like rape myths, are appearing with regularity. Defense attorneys are likely capitalizing on jurors' misconceptions to undermine children's believability.

Profiles of Men's Rape Myth Beliefs and the Association With Rape Proclivity.

The two constructs of rape myth acceptance (RMA) and rape proclivity are associated with sexual violence (SV) perpetration. Further understanding these constructs can help improve prevention efforts aimed at reducing SV perpetration. Latent profile analysis was conducted to examine typologies of RMA among 474 incoming college men and found that male college students can be categorized into four profiles. Some groups endorsed lower or mid-levels of rape myths (RMs) and others endorsed higher levels of some or all RMs, indicating the heterogeneity of RM beliefs. And within each subgroup of college men's RMA, intention to join an all-male sports team and/or a fraternity (two risk factors) and bystander attitudes (a protective factor) were examined as covariates in the model. Bystander attitudes appear to act as a protective factor as they are higher among profiles of men with lower RMA. Furthermore, this study examined the four subgroups (latent profiles) of college men based on their RMA to examine whether membership within each subgroup/profile is differentially associated with rape proclivity. The findings indicate that subgroups of men with high levels of RMA have higher mean rape proclivity scores compared to the subgroup of men with the lowest level of RMA. Implications for prevention programming tailored for high-risk groups of men, based on their RMA beliefs, as well as possible future research within this area are discussed.

Men's Self-Reported and Psychophysiological Affective Responses to Sexual Violence and Their Associations with Rape Myths, Personality, and Sexual Traits: A Preliminary Study.

Objective: Despite alarming evidence on sexual violence against women, little is known about men's emotional responses to rape and how these may be involved in sexual violence dynamics. Accordingly, our aim was to capture how rape scenarios are emotionally appraised. Methods: The current study evaluated men's (N = 30) self-reported and psychophysiological emotional responses (facial EMG, electrodermal activity) to a rape scene, and contrasted it with their responses to stimuli depicting nonsexual violence and nonviolent male-female interactions. The associations between men's emotional responses and their endorsement of rape myths, personality, and sexual traits were also examined. Results: Findings revealed that the rape scene resulted in higher negative affect, both subjectively and indexed by increased facial EMG (corrugator activity), than the other two stimuli. Additionally, personality traits of neuroticism, lower agreeableness, lower consciousness, psychopathic tendencies, as well as lower sexual inhibition proneness, were all associated with higher subjective sexual arousal toward rape. Conclusions: Findings add to the literature on the putative emotional processes underpinning the appraisal of sexual violence against women.

Dark Traits, Harassment and Rape Myths Acceptances Among University Students.

The convergence of Machiavellianism, narcissism, psychopathy and sadism is known as the "Dark Tetrad." Our understanding of the relationship between the Dark Tetrad, harassment and Rape Myths is limited. While men are more likely to blame victims of sexual violence, it is unclear how gender influences the ability to perceive harassment. The aim of the present study is to look at the relationship between dark traits, gender, Rape Myths and perception of harassment. A sample of N = 210 university students located in England & Wales were recruited on SONA and social media platforms. Student's t-tests, Pearson's correlations, and multiple linear regressions were conducted. Analyses revealed gender differences for both Rape Myths endorsement and perception of harassment. Furthermore, a relationship between the dark traits, Rape Myths and perception of harassment was founded. These results have several implications, including our ability to understand perpetrators' characteristics, the impact of the Dark Tetrad on Rape Myths and perception of harassment, and our ability to develop effective prevention programs.

Understanding sexual violence and factors related to police outcomes.

In the year ending March 2020, an estimated 773,000 people in England and Wales were sexually assaulted. These types of crimes have lasting effects on victims' mental health, including depression, anxiety, and post-traumatic stress disorder. There is a large body of literature which identifies several factors associated with the likelihood of the victim reporting a sexual assault to the police, and these differences may be due to rape myth stereotypes which perpetuate the belief that rape is only "real" under certain conditions. Less is known, however, about the effect these rape myths and stereotypes have on the investigation process itself and the subsequent police outcomes assigned to sex offences. This study aimed to address this gap, providing a profile of all RASSO (rape and serious sexual offences) committed over a 3-year period in one English police force, the police outcomes of these offences, and whether any offences, suspect, or victim variables were associated with different outcomes, in particular the decision to charge or cases where victims decline to prosecute. In line with previous research, the majority of victims were female while the majority of suspects were male, and the most frequent victim-suspect relationship was acquaintance, followed by partner/ex-partner. Charge outcomes were more likely in SSOs and less in rape offences, more likely with stranger offences and less likely than offences committed by partners/ex-partners and relatives, and some non-white suspects were more likely to be charged than suspects of other ethnicities, including white suspects. Victim attrition was more likely in cases where the suspect was a partner or ex-partner and least likely where the suspect was a stranger, more likely in SSOs than in rape cases, and more likely when the victim ethnicity was "other". Law enforcement should be aware of the potential biases, both relating to rape myths and stereotypes and to the biased treatment of victims and suspects based on demographic characteristics, and work to eliminate these to ensure a fairer and more effective RASSO investigative process.

Myths Concerning Sexual Violence Toward Women in Poland, Hungary, and Norway in the Context of System Justification Theory: The Role of Beliefs in the Biological Origins of Gender Differences and Ambivalent Sexism.

The purpose of this study was to compare attitudes toward rape in Poland, Hungary, and Norway. Based on system justification theory, we examined whether country of origin predicts levels of rape myth acceptance, beliefs in the biological origins of gender differences, and ambivalent sexism. There is also some evidence that beliefs in the biological origins of gender differences predict rape myth among Polish students and that this relationship is mediated by hostile sexism. The current study aimed to test whether this model can be applied to other countries. Participants (N = 266) were from Poland, Hungary, and Norway. The study was conducted online. The dependent and independent variables were measured with questionnaires. Polish participants had significantly higher levels of rape myth acceptance, beliefs in the biological origins of gender differences, and ambivalent sexism than Norwegian and Hungarian participants. Our proposed model was confirmed: belief in the biological origins of gender differences was associated with rape myth acceptance, with hostile sexism as a mediator. Benevolent sexism also turned out to be a mediator between beliefs in the biological origins of gender differences and rape myth acceptance. The mediational model of the relationship between beliefs in the biological origins of gender differences and rape myth acceptance can be applied to all three countries. This result suggests that anti-rape educational interventions should take into account the role of culture and society in the construction of gender differences.