[Polarization reversal in the development of Brazilian metropolises? An analysis based on demographic indicators, using the example of Sao Paulo]. / Polarization reversal in der Entwicklung brasilianischer Metropolen? Eine Analyse anhand demographischer Indikatoren am Beispiel von Sao Paulo.

"Using the example of Sao Paulo, this paper addresses itself to the question of how far the decrease in growth rates one observes in large Brazilian metropolises can be interpreted as a process of polarization reversal. The analysis is carried out on the basis of demographic data from small area units, which include the results from the most recent 1991 census. Although it had already been possible in the 1970s to discern first indications of such a process setting in, in the decade 1981-91 indicators of population growth and migration balances agree in pointing to a polarization reversal." (SUMMARY IN ENG)

[A new migratory horizon in Central Mexico: 1970-1990]. / Nuevo horizonte de la migracion en el centro de Mexico: 1970-1990.

"During the last few decades migration in Central Mexico has undergone important changes. Not only have populations been moving increasingly towards the periphery and decreasingly towards the center, but those originally living in the center are also moving to the immediate periphery. This behavior allows us to claim that Central Mexico is undergoing a process of deconcentration or suburbanization. This study describes the way in which such a process has developed and the situation of geographical entities within that process. Analysis of the new regional configuration takes into account demographic growth and the direction and characteristics of migration in the Mexico City Metropolitan Area and its surrounding states during the last twenty years." (SUMMARY IN ENG)

[Concentration or decline in Puebla?]. / Concentracion o desconcentracion en Puebla?

PIP: Some doubts have been expressed over whether the slowing pace of urbanization suggested by the 1990 census of Mexico was an accurate reflection of changing conditions, or whether it resulted from some intentional or unintended bias. Comparison of data from succeeding censuses indicates that the growth rate of the city of Puebla declined from 6.32% in 1980 to 2.63% in 1990. This work argues that, in Puebla, a trend to deconcentration of the population within the city of Puebla during the 1980s was accompanied by rapid growth in smaller and medium sized nearby cities, resulting in increased overall concentration in Puebla's metropolitan area. The absolute population of the city of Puebla increased from 772,908 in 1980 to 1,007,170 in 1990. The central area of the state of Puebla, which surrounds the city, increased its share of the state population from 51.67% in 1980 to 52.21% in 1990. The number of places with over 5000 inhabitants in the area surrounding the city of Puebla increased from 27 in 1980 to 39 in 1990. Construction of the Puebla-Atlixco highway will undoubtedly attract growth to the area southwest of Puebla. Small cities to the east of Puebla have shown significant growth although their region remains strongly rural. The same process of deconcentration of population in Puebla and concentration in its surrounding metropolitan regions can probably also be detected in patterns of investment of public funds. The trend is likely to continue through the 1990s.^ieng

[The control of urban growth in Mexico City. Suppositions regarding poor planning]. / El control de la expansion urbana en la ciudad de Mexico. Conjeturas de un falso planteamiento.

PIP: It is argued that mechanisms for planning land use and controlling urban expansion in Mexico City have failed to achieve their aims. Although in theory Mexico's urban planning process has recently attempted to go beyond purely physical aspects to include socioeconomic dimensions, it has in fact been inflexible and oriented to exclusively to technical and administrative aspects, to the detriment of social distribution goals. Planning instruments have not included important aspects such as specific mechanisms for altering employment structures or income levels or mechanisms for providing access to land or housing to the most disadvantaged groups. The urban planning process in Mexico City, instead of assuming a socially compensatory role in favor of disadvantaged groups, has maintained the status quo or discriminated in favor of the already advantaged. The spatial and technical orientation or urban planning in Mexico City does not leave room for a well-defined social policy. The population of the Mexico City metropolitan Zone increased from 3 million in 1950 to 18 million in 1985, while its total area increased from 11,750 hectares in 1940 to 125,000 in 1985. Transfer of population from the Federal District to the conurban municipios of the state of Mexico has been very significant since the 1970s. Around 20% of the total area of metropolitan Mexico City has been settled through illegal means, with communal and ejido lands accounting for a large share. Settlements on some 60% of lands in metroplitan Mexico City were illegal or irregular at some time. Low income housing is the cheapest form for the government because the frequently illegal status of settlers prevents them from making any demands for services or equipment for the 1st several years. Construction is undertaken and financed almost entirely by the settlers themselves, freeing the government of responsibility in regard to the constitutionally mandated right of all Mexicans to housing. The Urban Development Plan of the state of Mexico published in 1986 proposed 2 important programs for controlling urban growth. The territorial reserves program aimed to anticipate the need and make available through purchase, expropriation, or other means sufficient lands for housing to which the lowest income groups would share access. The "Paint Your Line" program establiished physical limits for urban expansion in each of the 17 conurban municipios in the State of Mexico. To date, however, few lands have been set aside for legal acquisition and the Paint Your Line program has been slow in delimiting the areas to be settled. Data from a 1989 study in the municipios of Chalco and Ixtapaluca demonstrate the shortcomings of the programs, which do not address the true processes and agents that control new settlements and especially illegal occupations and which fail to satisfy the needs of low-income population sectors.^ieng

[The geographical distribution of fertility around Mexico City]. / La distribucion geografica de la fecundidad alrededor de la ciudad de Mexico

A spatial analysis of fertility around Mexico City reveals an "inverted U" pattern which appears, on the face of it, inconsistent with both conventional economic location analysis and a spatial diffusion process. A closer examination of the problem implies that economic variables, when integrated in a proper model, may account for the observed cross- sectional spatial pattern, whereas pure diffusion can not. Spatial diffusion, however, may be responsible at least in part for the observed fertility changes over time. The geographical patterns of fertility in 2 states neighboring Mexico City (Mexico and Hidalgo) are examined empirically. The interpretation of the nonmonotonic distance effect is that there are significant locational advantages to childbearing at medium distances that are not enjoyed at households location either very close or far away from the city.

[Bogota: recent trends (toward the polarization of urban centers or metropolitanization?)]. / Bogota: tendencias recientes (hacia la polarizacion de centros o la metropolizacion?)

PIP: Levels of interdependence and metropolitanization in Bogota, Colombia, are analyzed. Recent trends in population, employment, and housing are first outlined. Comparisons are then made between Bogota and the country as a whole in the areas of socio-demographic and economic development, public finances, and production. The impact of urban growth and increased demands for goods and services on the relative importance of Bogota is considered.^ieng

[Urbanization in Latin America: the process of the development of peripheries to metropolitan areas]. / La urbanizacion en America Latina: el proceso de constitucion de periferias en las areas metropolitanas.

PIP: Trends in urbanization in Latin America are reviewed. The focus is on the development of peripheral, low-income urban areas adjoining major urban centers during the period since the 1970s.^ieng

Development from below: neighborhood improvement associations in the Latin American squatter settlements.

PIP: Juntas, a type of neighborhood association found in many Latin American countries, are described in terms of their common characteristics, functions, and strategies. Factors which strengthen juntas are isolated, and the potential for juntas to become ongoing institutionalized structures is discussed. Information from a large number of written sources was compared in order to identify the common cross cultural characteristics of juntas. Juntas generally originate as squatter invasion forces organized to take over and settle, either gradually or overnight, unocupied lands in or near urban centers. After invasion the huntas continue to function as neighborhood associations which make collective demands on the government for public services and which promote various self-help projects within the squatter community. Juntas are widespread in Latin American countries. Of the 91 squatter settlements which have been studied in 11 different countries, 61 has juntas. Participation of household heads in the juntas ranges from 10-70%. Most squatter invasions are planned or spontaneous radical political action. The collective invasion itself often serves to open negotiations with the government. After the invasion leaders are elected, and they help organize the new community by assigning land, setting boundries, screening new settlers, collecting dues, and directing a variety of self-help construction projects. Collective demands are then made on the government to provide urban services such as water and electricity. The collective nature of the demand helps reduce the risk of official retaliation. Demand strategies include petitioning high level government officials, utilizing personalistic contacts, affiliating with either the rulingpower or opposing parties, appealing to outside agencies, linking up with other juntas, conducting public demonstrations, and publicizing their grievances in order to engender public support. After basic services are provided the juntas promote self-help projects such as organizing taxi services, medical clinics, vocational and lteracy programs, and building playgrounds. The juntas sometimes perform quasi governmental functions, such as, settling disputes between community members and policing the community. Participation in juntas declines as the need for making outside demands lessens; however, the high level of self-help activity keeps the juntas viable. They also retain the latent capacity for political demand behavior if the need for action arises. Factors which strengthen juntas included 1) high population density and large size of the squatter community, 2) defined boundaries, 3) close proximity to urban agencies, 4) climatic factors which make it necessary to act quickly and collectively, and 5) a moderate level of heterogeneity in the squatter population.^ieng