Cannibalism-overview and medicolegal issues.

Cannibalism, the consumption of another by an individual of the same species, is a widespread practice amongst many animal groups. Human cannibalism or anthropophagy, however, is less common but has been found in many diverse groups ranging from hominids to Crusaders and soldiers in World War II. Although the existence of human cannibalism has been vigorously debated in recent times, it seems clear that well-described cases have occurred. The motivation for consuming human tissues may be (1) nutritional, (2) ritual and (3) pathological. A case of alleged cannibalism involving one of the victims of the so-called Snowtown serial killings in South Australia, Australia, is reported with an analysis of the history and features of cannibalism. Forensic problems may occur in accurately identifying remains that have been cannibalized; however, if ritualistic, serial and/or sadistic homicides are encountered, cannibalism should be considered, particularly if body parts are missing.

Aggressive or funerary cannibalism? Skull-cup and human bone manipulation in Cueva de El Toro (Early Neolithic, southern Iberia).

OBJECTIVE: We analyze the processing sequence involved in the manufacture of a skull-cup and the manipulation of human bones from the Early Neolithic of Cueva de El Toro (Málaga, Spain). MATERIALS AND METHODS: The Early Neolithic material studied includes human remains found in two separate assemblages. Assemblage A consists of one skull-cup, a non-manipulated adult human mandible, and four ceramic vessels. Assemblage B contains manipulated and non-manipulated human remains that appeared mingled with domestic waste. Using a taphonomic approach, we evaluate the skull-cup processing and the anthropogenic alteration of human bones. RESULTS: The skull-cup was processed by careful paring away of skin, fragmentation of the facial skeleton and base of the skull, and controlled percussion of the edges of the calotte to achieve a regular shape. It was later boiled for some time in a container that caused pot polish in a specific area. The other human bones appeared scattered throughout the living area, mixed with other remains of domestic activity. Some of these bones show cut marks, percussion damage for marrow extraction, and tooth/chewing marks. DISCUSSION: Evidence from Cueva de El Toro suggests that cannibalism was conducted in the domestic sphere, likely following ritualized practices where the skull-cup could have played a part. Interpretation of this evidence suggests two hypotheses: (a) aggressive cannibalism relates to extreme inter-group violence; and (b) funerary cannibalism is a facet of multi-stage burial practices. Similar evidence has been found in other Neolithic sites of this region and suggests that cannibalism and skull-cups were elements widespread in these communities. These practices may be linked to significant transformations associated with the end of the Early Neolithic in southern Iberia.

Cannibalism amongst penitentiary escapees from Sarah Island in nineteenth century Van Diemen's Land.

Alexander Pearce was an Irish convict incarcerated on Sarah Island on the west coast of Van Diemen's Land (modern day Tasmania, Australia) in 1822, following his transportation to the colony from the United Kingdom for seven years in 1819. On two occasions he escaped from the island, in September 1822 and again in November 1823, and was only able to survive the harsh conditions by killing and consuming his fellow escapees. Given that Pearce utilized the only sustenance that was at hand (i.e. his five companions), and that there was a temporal separation between the two episodes, this may represent a separate category of anthropophagy, that of serial opportunistic cannibalism.

Assessing the calorific significance of episodes of human cannibalism in the Palaeolithic.

Episodes of Palaeolithic cannibalism have frequently been defined as 'nutritional' in nature, but with little empirical evidence to assess their dietary significance. This paper presents a nutritional template that offers a proxy calorie value for the human body. When applied to the Palaeolithic record, the template provides a framework for assessing the dietary value of prehistoric cannibalistic episodes compared to the faunal record. Results show that humans have a comparable nutritional value to those faunal species that match our typical body weight, but significantly lower than a range of fauna often found in association with anthropogenically modified hominin remains. This could suggest that the motivations behind hominin anthropophagy may not have been purely nutritionally motivated. It is proposed here that the comparatively low nutritional value of hominin cannibalism episodes support more socially or culturally driven narratives in the interpretation of Palaeolithic cannibalism.

Cutting the Flesh: Surgery, Autopsy and Cannibalism in the Belgian Congo.

Within the colonial setting of the Belgian Congo, the process of cutting the body, whether living or dead, lent itself to conflation with cannibalism and other fantastic consumption stories by both Congolese and Belgian observers. In part this was due to the instability of the meaning of the human body and the human corpse in the colonial setting. This essay maps out different views of the cadaver and personhood through medical technologies of opening the body in the Belgian Congo. The attempt to impose a specific reading of the human body on the Congolese populations through anatomy and related Western medical disciplines was unsuccessful. Ultimately, practices such as surgery and autopsy were reinterpreted and reshaped in the colonial context, as were the definitions of social and medical death. By examining the conflicts that arose around medical technologies of cutting human flesh, this essay traces multiple parallel narratives on acceptable use and representation of the human body (Congolese or Belgian) beyond its medical assignation.

The diet of the first Europeans from Atapuerca.

Hominin dietary specialization is crucial to understanding the evolutionary changes of craniofacial biomechanics and the interaction of food processing methods' effects on teeth. However, the diet-related dental wear processes of the earliest European hominins remain unknown because most of the academic attention has focused on Neandertals. Non-occlusal dental microwear provides direct evidence of the effect of chewed food particles on tooth enamel surfaces and reflects dietary signals over time. Here, we report for the first time the direct effect of dietary abrasiveness as evidenced by the buccal microwear patterns on the teeth of the Sima del Elefante-TE9 and Gran Dolina-TD6 Atapuerca hominins (1.2-0.8 million years ago - Myr) as compared with other Lower and Middle Pleistocene populations. A unique buccal microwear pattern that is found in Homo antecessor (0.96-0.8 Myr), a well-known cannibal species, indicates dietary practices that are consistent with the consumption of hard and brittle foods. Our findings confirm that the oldest European inhabitants ingested more mechanically-demanding diets than later populations because they were confronted with harsh, fluctuating environmental conditions. Furthermore, the influence of grit-laden food suggests that a high-quality meat diet from butchering processes could have fueled evolutionary changes in brain size.

Cannibalism versus funerary defleshing and disarticulation after a period of decay: comparisons of bone modifications from four prehistoric sites.

OBJECTIVES: Humanly induced modifications on human and non-human bones from four archaeological sites of known funerary rituals (one interpreted as cannibalism and three interpreted as funerary defleshing and disarticulation after a period of decay) were analyzed to ascertain whether macromorphological and micromorphological characteristics of cut marks can be used to distinguish cannibalistic from secondary burial practices. MATERIAL AND METHODS: Four collections were analyzed: the Magdalenian assemblage from Gough's Cave (UK) and the Mesolithic-Neolithic bone samples from Lepenski Vir, Padina and Vlasac (Serbia). A total of 647 cut marks (345 on human and 302 on non-human remains) were imaged and measured using an optical surface measurement system, the Alicona InfiniteFocus, housed at the Natural History Museum (London, UK). RESULTS: The frequency of cut marks at Gough's Cave exceeds 65%, while it is below 1% in the Serbian sites, and no human tooth marks and only one case of percussion damage have been observed on the three Serbian collections. The distribution of cut marks on human bones is comparable in the four assemblages. Cannibalized human remains, however, present a uniform cut mark distribution, which can be associated with disarticulation of persistent and labile articulations, and the scalping and filleting of muscles. For secondary burials where modification occurred after a period of decay, disarticulation marks are less common and the disarticulation of labile joints is rare. The micromorphometric analyses of cut marks on human and non-human remains suggest that cut marks produced when cleaning partially decayed bodies are significantly different from cut marks produced during butchery of fresh bodies. CONCLUSIONS: A distinction between cannibalism and secondary treatment of human bodies can be made based on frequency, distribution and micromorphometric characteristics of cut marks.

Anthropophagy: a singular concept to understand Brazilian culture and psychology as specific knowledge.

The aim of this work is to present the singularity of the concept of anthropophagy in Brazilian culture. This article examines its use in the Modernist Movement of the 1920s and explores the possibilities it creates for thinking about Brazilian culture in nonidentitarian terms. We then use the concept of anthropophagy in a broader, practical sense to understand psychology as a kind of anthropophagical knowledge. We do so because in many ways the discipline of psychology is similar to Brazilian culture in its plurality and complexity.

Upper Palaeolithic ritualistic cannibalism at Gough's Cave (Somerset, UK): The human remains from head to toe.

A recurring theme of late Upper Palaeolithic Magdalenian human bone assemblages is the remarkable rarity of primary burials and the common occurrence of highly-fragmentary human remains mixed with occupation waste at many sites. One of the most extensive Magdalenian human bone assemblages comes from Gough's Cave, a sizeable limestone cave set in Cheddar Gorge (Somerset), UK. After its discovery in the 1880s, the site was developed as a show cave and largely emptied of sediment, at times with minimal archaeological supervision. Some of the last surviving remnants of sediment within the cave were excavated between 1986 and 1992. The excavations uncovered intensively-processed human bones intermingled with abundant butchered large mammal remains and a diverse range of flint, bone, antler, and ivory artefacts. New ultrafiltrated radiocarbon determinations demonstrate that the Upper Palaeolithic human remains were deposited over a very short period of time, possibly during a series of seasonal occupations, about 14,700 years BP (before present). The human remains have been the subject of several taphonomic studies, culminating in a detailed reanalysis of the cranial remains that showed they had been carefully modified to make skull-cups. Our present analysis of the postcrania has identified a far greater degree of human modification than recorded in earlier studies. We identify extensive evidence for defleshing, disarticulation, chewing, crushing of spongy bone, and the cracking of bones to extract marrow. The presence of human tooth marks on many of the postcranial bones provides incontrovertible evidence for cannibalism. In a wider context, the treatment of the human corpses and the manufacture and use of skull-cups at Gough Cave have parallels with other Magdalenian sites in central and western Europe. This suggests that cannibalism during the Magdalenian was part of a customary mortuary practice that combined intensive processing and consumption of the bodies with ritual use of skull-cups.

The Dangers of Posthumous Diagnoses and the Unintended Consequences of Facile Associations: Jeffrey Dahmer and Autism Spectrum Disorders.

Posthumous diagnoses are not uncommonly given to notorious public and historical figures by applying retrospectively, and typically in the absence of the individual being diagnosed, contemporary diagnostic criteria. Although this may be relatively easy and free of consequences when it concerns clear-cut medical conditions, it may have unintended repercussions in the case of psychiatric disorders by creating myths and perpetuating stigma. The case of serial killer Jeffrey Dahmer is a typical example where a somewhat facile and almost syllogistic application of perhaps over-inclusive criteria may have contributed to the legend of solitary murderers as possibly suffering from an autism spectrum condition. Although there may be an understandable human need to explain abominable and heinous behaviors, the lack of the possibility to verify a diagnostic theory and the ill-advised attempt to make a diagnosis fit may de facto be the basis of prejudice and profiling that do not correspond to clinical reality. Although there is no doubt that the brain is the organ of behavior, the authors caution against a budding neo-Lombrosian approach to crime and criminality and against the all too common use of widely differing terms in the study of deviance, such as crime, delinquency, and aggression, the operational use of which, often used interchangeably even in association studies, often erroneously leads to further confusion.

Eating the dead in Madagascar.

Cannibalism has been poorly understood and has seldom been studied, since it was often suppressed by missionaries and colonial administrators, and very few societies still practise it. Cannibalistic practices are more complex than was originally thought. They may be supported in societies under stress or in times of famine, to reflect aggression and antisocial behaviour (in cases where the bodies of enemies killed in battle or people who have harmed the family are eaten), or to honour a dead kinsman. It was, for example, noted in Madagascar during the imperial campaigns of Ranavalona I in the period 1829 - 1853. Two types of cannibalism have been described: exocannibalism, where enemies were consumed, and endocannibalism, where dead relatives were eaten to assist their passing to the world of the ancestors, or to prolong contact with beloved and admired family members and absorb their good qualities. This article reviews some of the beliefs and motivations that surrounded the cannibalistic practices of the people of Madagascar in the 19th century. 

The Zimba, the Portuguese, and other cannibals in late sixteenth-century Southeast Africa.

This article argues that Portuguese accounts of cannibalism in sixteenth-century southeast Africa reflect important but mostly unrecognised elements of the region's political and cultural history. The article analyses descriptions of the Zimba cannibals in Ethiopia Oriental, written by the Portuguese priest Joo dos Santos. Dos Santos's evidence figures significantly in scholarship for this period, and while many historians include his colourful descriptions of cannibalism, none has taken them seriously, largely dismissing them as a product of European myth-making. In focusing on the question of cannibalism, the article asks not whether the Zimba ate human flesh, nor why they might have, but how dos Santos came to believe that they did. Early modern European cultural outlooks had a role in producing such accounts, but the argument here focuses on how claims of cannibalism reflected African, rather than European, perspectives. Such claims were a vernacular expression of beliefs about, and critiques of, political power in the threatening and unsettled political environment of the time. In transmitting descriptions of cannibalism from African informants, dos Santos acted as an unwitting vehicle for this vernacular critique, conveying its meaning quite imperfectly to his readers.

[Was cannibalism practiced in ancient Gaul? Critognatus, the leader of the Celts, in the focus of Caesar's propaganda]. / Kannibalismus im alten Gallien? Der Keltenfürst Critognatus im Brennpunkt der Propaganda Caesars.

Critognatus, the leader of the Celts, is mentioned only once in the extant ancient literature, namely in Caesar's description of the siege of Alesia in BG VII 77.2-78.2. Here he is portrayed as a determined patriot who wants to encounter the Roman invader bravely and at the risk of all available means. Nevertheless, crafty Caesar succeeds in stamping him by propagandistic pinches to an evil monster and cannibal. On the one hand Caesar falls back on current Roman prejudices towards the Gauls. On the other hand, the endocannibalism practised among Celts to a certain extent as a cult action seems to have played a rôle. Caesar's propagandistic methods are transparent and at the same time so effective that the label of an ogre sticks to Critognatus until the present day. Caesar's portrayal aims above all at the justification of his Gallic War which he wages against uncivilized and inhuman opponents who are a menace to Rome and even to the culture itself.

Cannibalism, kuru and anthropology.

This essay discusses the image and practice of cannibalism in a wide range of studies. It also presents the anthropological research on kuru which led to the proposal that cannibalism had enabled transmission of the infectious agent, as well as doubts about the hypothesis, and the assertion by some that cannibalism as a socially approved custom did not exist. The figure of the cannibal as an icon of primitivism took form in the encounter between Europe and the Americas. Cannibalism was to become the prime signifier of "barbarism" for a language of essentialized difference that would harden into the negative racism of the nineteenth century. Anthropological and medical research now challenge the derogatory image of the cannibal as we learn more about the many past consumers of human flesh, including ourselves.

Review. The epidemiology of kuru: monitoring the epidemic from its peak to its end.

Kuru is a fatal transmissible spongiform encephalopathy restricted to the Fore people and their neighbours in a remote region of the Eastern Highlands of Papua New Guinea. When first investigated in 1957 it was found to be present in epidemic proportions, with approximately 1000 deaths in the first 5 years, 1957-1961. The changing epidemiological patterns and other significant findings such as the transmissibility of kuru are described in their historical progression. Monitoring the progress of the epidemic has been carried out by epidemiological surveillance in the field for 50 years. From its peak, the number of deaths from kuru declined to 2 in the last 5 years, indicating that the epidemic is approaching its end. The mode of transmission of the prion agent of kuru was the local mortuary practice of transumption. The prohibition of this practice in the 1950s led to the decline in the epidemic, which has been prolonged into the present century by incubation periods that may exceed 50 years. Currently, the epidemiological surveillance is being maintained and further studies on human genetics and the past mortuary practices are being conducted in the kuru-affected region and in communities beyond it.