[Regulation of drug prices in nineteenth-century Bazilian pharmacy]. / O Regimento dos preços dos medicamentos... na farmácia brasileira oitocentista.

On November 5th, 1808, D. João de Bragança issued a license about the practice of druggists and the price of drugs and ordered the creation of a regulation to tax the cost of medicines marketed in Brazil. First published on 1809, the Regimento dos preços dos medicamentos... gained new editions in the following years and became an indispensable working tool for those involved in the making and trading of drugs at this time. This paper situates historically and sheds light on a document briefly explored by the researchers of the history of the Brazilian pharmacy, taking into account that it was one of the first initiatives of the Luso-Brazilian government in line with the pharmaceutical activity in Brazil in the nineteenth century.

Em 5 de novembro de 1808, dom João de Bragança promulgou um alvará sobre o exercício dos boticários e o preço das drogas e ordenou a criação de um regulamento para taxar o custo dos medicamentos comercializados no Brasil. Publicado pela primeira vez em 1809, o Regimento dos preços dos medicamentos... ganhou novas edições nos anos subsequentes e tornou-se um indispensável instrumento de trabalho para os envolvidos com a feitura e o comércio dos remédios. Este texto situa historicamente e destaca esse documento brevemente explorado pelos pesquisadores da história da farmácia brasileira, visto ter sido uma das primeiras iniciativas do governo luso-brasileiro condizentes com a atividade farmacêutica no Brasil no século XIX.

O Regimento dos preços dos medicamentos... na farmácia brasileira oitocentista / Regulation of drug prices in nineteenth-century Bazilian pharmacy

Resumo Em 5 de novembro de 1808, dom João de Bragança promulgou um alvará sobre o exercício dos boticários e o preço das drogas e ordenou a criação de um regulamento para taxar o custo dos medicamentos comercializados no Brasil. Publicado pela primeira vez em 1809, o Regimento dos preços dos medicamentos... ganhou novas edições nos anos subsequentes e tornou-se um indispensável instrumento de trabalho para os envolvidos com a feitura e o comércio dos remédios. Este texto situa historicamente e destaca esse documento brevemente explorado pelos pesquisadores da história da farmácia brasileira, visto ter sido uma das primeiras iniciativas do governo luso-brasileiro condizentes com a atividade farmacêutica no Brasil no século XIX.

Abstract On November 5th, 1808, D. João de Bragança issued a license about the practice of druggists and the price of drugs and ordered the creation of a regulation to tax the cost of medicines marketed in Brazil. First published on 1809, the Regimento dos preços dos medicamentos... gained new editions in the following years and became an indispensable working tool for those involved in the making and trading of drugs at this time. This paper situates historically and sheds light on a document briefly explored by the researchers of the history of the Brazilian pharmacy, taking into account that it was one of the first initiatives of the Luso-Brazilian government in line with the pharmaceutical activity in Brazil in the nineteenth century.

Medicaments, Therapies and their Prices in the Inventary of the Family Batthyány 1650-1654. / Patikaszerek, gyógymódok és áraik a Batthyány család inventáriumának irataiból 1650-1654.

Author - after this short introduction and analysis - published below the pharmaceutical bills sent by various pharmacists for Count Adam Batthyány and for his wife Katalin Aurora For- mentini during the period 1650-1654. Based on these bills author identifies the illnesses to be cured, the names of pharmacists and the medicaments made by them, including their prices as well. The carefully written bills recorded the names of the medicaments used both in German and Latin. The prices partly proved to be astonishingly high, so author concludes that services of pharmacists that time were utilized exclusively by the rich. Analysing the bills we can identify the illnesses of the Batthyány family and also those of the Turks imprisoned in their castle, whose curing served the economic interest of the count.

Media and medical response to the introduction of prescription charging in the National Health Service.

In April 2009 the National Health Service (NHS) prescription charge rose to pounds 7.20 in England, whereas in Wales prescriptions have been free since 2007. This major difference has led to much controversy amongst the public, media and medical profession. This paper tries to identify the response of the media and medical profession to the introduction of prescription charging in the NHS. When established on July 5th 1948 the NHS provided free healthcare including prescriptions to the entire population of Britain. However, following concerns around finance, the Conservative government introduced a one shilling prescription charge in June 1952. Information gathered from newspapers, despite their differing readerships and political affiliations, revealed that the media generally accepted the charge with little opposition. In contrast, large debate and divisions arose amongst the medical profession, with huge volumes of literature being published on the issue. The London based British Medical Association opposed the charge as they felt doctors were not government tax collectors; whereas rural doctors became concerned that the charge would affect the doctor-patient relationship. This paper identifies that the introduction of the prescription charge, not only aroused debate in parliament, but caused a spectrum of views amongst lay and medical circles.

[About free delivery of therapeutical and preventive drugs to the people during Ottoman Empire]. / Osmanli Döneminde Tedavi Edici ve Koruyucu Ilaçlarin Halka Ucretsiz Verilmesi.

In this study, free delivery of medical drugs (dispensed in Ottoman Empire hospital pharmacies) to the outpatients in addition to the inpatients in Darüssifas (patient care houses) have been investigated in the chronological order from the Vakfiye enrollments and documents of Ottoman Empire. On the other hand free delivery of drugs dispensed in the Palaces, Mesir paste delivery and other preventive drugs for the epidemic diseases have been studied.

[Pierre Frapin, an apothicary supplier of Molière]. / Pierre Frapin, un apothicaire fournisseur de Molière: 23 Septembre 1640 - 5 Novembre 1714).

Moliere's after death inventory showed that there was a debt to the apothecary Pierre Frapin. The author proved that Pierre Frapin lived near Moliere's house in Paris, rue Saint-Thomas-du-Louvre place du Palais-Royal. The apothecary was avid for money, so it is possible that the opening scene of Le Malade imaginaire was inspired to Moliere by over evaluated bills made out by Frapin.

[Pharmaceutical services at the beginning of the 19th century with reference to 1815 fees of Bern drugs]. / Le travail du pharmacien au début du XIXe siècle à travers une taxe de médicaments bernoise de 1815.

The Institute of the History of Medicine of Bern acquired in 1994 a list of prices for the deliveries of medicines to the hospital of Bern. In this document, its author, the pharmacist Rudrauff, describes the drugs that the apothecaries had to manufacture in the laboratories of their pharmacies. This allows a study of the pharmaceutical practice at the beginning of the last century.

Firm behavior in the U.S. market for factor VIII: a need for policy?

In this paper, we historically examine the market for Factor VIII concentrate, a collection of blood products used in the treatment of hemophilia A. With the introduction of HIV-1 into the U.S. blood supply, a majority of American hemophiliacs became infected with the virus. In response to contamination, the pharmaceutical manufacturers producing Factor VIII concentrate developed highly purified products which were introduced in the late 1980s at four to five times the price of the older, intermediate purity products. These new products are highly valuable in protecting the 30% of hemophiliacs who are HIV-1 seronegative; however, for those individuals previously infected by the virus, the extra benefit of the more costly products was questionable at the time they were first introduced. We postulate that there has been some level of industry coordination among the producers of Factor VIII concentrates to supply only the more expensive, highly purified products even though there appeared to be significant demand for the intermediate purity products by HIV-1 infected hemophiliacs. We develop and present a model that is useful for testing an inter-product collusion hypothesis. Further, we hypothetically discuss the model's implications and develop some public health policy options that might improve the competitive performance of the market.