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1.
Hist. ciênc. saúde-Manguinhos ; 28(supl.1): 123-140, out.-dez. 2021.
Article in English | LILACS | ID: biblio-1360465

ABSTRACT

Abstract As globalization accelerated after 1492, often in the service of European imperial expansion, human destruction of the habitat in which animals could express their natural behaviors also increased. Within this context, the question arises: just how much are we like other animals, and if they are like us, how much do we owe them? From the 1500s to the 1800s, travelers, imperialists, the colonized, and intellectuals tried to answer this question and produced three positions: animals as mere exploitable devices; confusion about animals' status and what we owe them, and concern about the suffering of nonhuman animals, their freedom to express their behaviors, and their very existence.


Resumen A medida que la globalización aceleró después de 1492, generalmente en el servicio de la expansión imperial europea, también aumentó la destrucción humana del hábitat en el que los animales podían expresar sus comportamientos naturales. En este contexto, surgió la siguiente pregunta: ¿cuánto nos parecemos a los demás animales y, si ellos son como nosotros, cuánto les debemos? Desde 1500 hasta 1800, viajeros, imperialistas, colonizados e intelectuales intentaron responder a esta pregunta y formularon tres posiciones: los animales como meros dispositivos explotables; confusión sobre el estado de los animales y lo que les debemos; y la preocupación por el sufrimiento de los animales no humanos, su libertad para expresar sus comportamientos y su propia existencia.


Subject(s)
Behavior, Animal , Animals , Dominance-Subordination
2.
Textos contextos (Porto Alegre) ; 18(2): 254-269, 2019.
Article in Portuguese | LILACS | ID: biblio-1087442

ABSTRACT

O propósito deste artigo é o de propor uma análise que contribua para apreensão dos principais elementos que determinam a conjuntura brasileira atual, desde as principais dinâmicas econômicas que evidenciam o painel da barbárie que acompanha a tentativa de retomada do circuito de valorização do capital até os elementos mais coetâneos, que atam este contexto mais amplo com os particulares acontecimentos e processos que podem distinguir a atual conjuntura brasileira. Ademais, o objetivo adicional deste artigo é o de pensarmos sobre os processos de resistência, tendo como referência temporal o ano de 2019.


The purpose of this paper is to propose an analysis that contributes to the apprehension of the main elements that determinates the current Brazilian conjuncture, from the main economic dynamics that evidences the barbarism panel that follows the attempt of restarting the capital appreciation cycle to the most contemporaneous elements, which ties this broader context with particular events and processes that can distinguish the current Brazilian conjuncture. Moreover, the additional objective of this article is to think about the resistance processes, having as a temporal reference the year 2019.


Subject(s)
Sociology , Government , Politics , Latin America
3.
Dados rev. ciênc. sociais ; 60(2): 505-540, abr.-jun. 2017. graf
Article in Portuguese | LILACS | ID: biblio-890965

ABSTRACT

RESUMO O "giro decolonial" ao adaptar o argumento pós-colonial para a América Latina, compreende que a colonialidade é a face oculta e constitutiva da modernidade. Ao constatar criticamente que o problema do imperialismo é subdesenvolvido pelos seus principais teóricos, lanço as seguintes indagações: é possível pensar na relação entre colonialidade e modernidade, sem a dinâmica da "imperialidade"? Como explicar a reprodução das novas formas de colonialismo sem a consideração das novas formas de imperialismo? Neste artigo, assim, proponho o conceito de Imperialidade como uma lacuna que impede a explicação dos mecanismos de reprodução da colonialidade. Ao entendê-la como lógica do imperialismo, constitutiva e relacional da colonialidade, observo ainda que as estratégias de descolonização devem ser muito mais dirigidas à "Imperialidade" do que à modernidade propriamente dita. A informalidade, invisibilidade e nebulosidade dos mecanismos contemporâneos de Imperialidade reproduzem o imperialismo sem império através da governança sem governo no contexto global.


ABSTRACT In an adaptation of the postcolonial argument for Latin America, the giro decolonial [decolonial shift] suggests that coloniality is the hidden and constitutive face of modernity. By critically claiming that the problem of imperialism is under developed by its main theorists, I would like to ask the following series of questions: can the relationship between coloniality and modernity be considered without the dynamic of "imperality"? How can the reproduction of new forms of colonialism be accounted for without a consideration of the new forms of imperialism? In order to address such questions, I therefore propose the concept of imperality as a void hindering an explanation for the mechanisms propagating coloniality. By understanding it as the logic of imperialism, which is an integral part of, and directly related to, coloniality, I further observe that the strategies of decolonization should be targeted at "imperiality" rather than modernity itself. The informality, invisibility, and nebulosity of the contemporary mechanisms of imperiality reproduce an empire-less imperialism in the global context by means of government-less governance.


RÉSUMÉ Le "virage décolonial", en adaptant l'argument postcolonial à l'Amérique latine, suggère que la colonialité constitue la face caché et constitutive de la modernité. Si l'on part de la constatation critique de ce que le problème de l'impérialisme est sous-estimé par ses principaux théoriciens, les questions suivantes se posent: est-il possible de penser la relation entre colonialité et de la modernité sans y inclure la dynamique de l'"impérialité"? Comment expliquer la reproduction des nouvelles formes de colonialisme sans prendre en compte les nouvelles formes d'impérialisme? Dans cet article, je proposerai ainsi le concept d'Impérialité en tant que lacune empêchant l'explication des mécanismes de reproduction de la colonialité. Si l'on entend cette impérialité comme logique de l'impérialisme constitutive et indissociable de la colonialité, on verra que les stratégies de décolonisation doivent s'adresser d'abord à elle plutôt qu'à la modernité proprement dite. L'informalité, l'invisibilité et la nébulosité des mécanismes contemporains de l'impérialité reproduisent dans le contexte global un impérialisme sans empire au moyen d'une gouvernance sans gouvernement.


RESUMEN El "giro decolonial", al adaptar el argumento poscolonial a América Latina, comprende que la colonialidad es la cara oculta y constitutiva de la modernidad. Una vez constatado críticamente que el problema del imperialismo ha sido poco desarrollado por sus principales teóricos, planteo las siguientes cuestiones: ¿Es posible concebir la relación entre colonialidad y modernidad sin la dinámica de la "imperialidad"? ¿Cómo explicar la reproducción de las nuevas formas de colonialismo sin tener en consideración las nuevas formas de imperialismo? Por tanto, en este artículo, propongo el concepto de imperialidad como una laguna que impide explicar los mecanismos de reproducción de la colonialidad. Al entenderla como lógica del imperialismo, constitutiva y relacional de la colonialidad, observo además que las estrategias de descolonización deben estar mucho más dirigidas a la "imperialidad" que a la modernidad propiamente dicha. La informalidad, la invisibilidad y la nebulosidad de los mecanismos contemporáneos de imperialidad reproducen el imperialismo sin imperio a través de la gobernanza sin gobierno en el contexto global.

4.
Serv. soc. soc ; (119): 446-467, jul.-set. 2014. ilus
Article in Portuguese | LILACS-Express | LILACS | ID: lil-723331

ABSTRACT

Este ensaio versa sobre ataques aos direitos humanos e à política social, apesar da força discursiva que, contemporaneamente, ambos passaram a ter. Tais agressões se acentuaram com o fim da bipolaridade entre Estados Unidos (EUA) e ex-União Soviética (URSS), no final dos anos 1980, com a autodissolução da URSS, em 1991, e com a transformação dos EUA em superpotência mundial. Contudo, ao se transformar, os Estados Unidos, em alvo de atos terroristas, supostamente praticados por países pobres, a pobreza foi criminalizada e transformada em inimigo número um. Isso explica o desmonte dos direitos humanos, notadamente os sociais, e das políticas publicas que visam concretizá-los.


This article deals with the attacks to human rights and to social policies, in spite of their discursive power contemporarily. Such attacks were stressed by the end of the bipolarity between the United States (USA) and the ex-Soviet Union (USSR) at the end of the 1980's, by the USSR's self-dissolution in 1991, and by the transformation of the USA into a world superpower. However, when the USA became target of terrorist attacks, supposedly committed by poor countries, poverty was criminalized and became enemy number one. That fact explains the disassembling of the human rights, mainly the social ones, and of the public policies which aim at implementing them.

5.
Agora USB ; 14(1): 61-74, ene.-jun. 2014.
Article in Spanish | LILACS | ID: lil-724929

ABSTRACT

El presente artículo resultado de investigación, pretende aportar elementos clave, que den cuenta de los nexos entre libre comercio y la violación permanente de los derechos humanos e incluso con delitos de lesa humanidad; situaciones que no se constituyen en hechos aislados, circunstanciales y producto de la simultaneidad aparente entre delincuencia en abstracto, desarrollada en zonas donde se proyectan y desarrollan proyectos estratégicos para la economía global, sino en un asunto relacionado, provocado, sostenido por los grupos económicos, políticos tanto nacionales como internacionales que ganan con estos mega-proyectos.


This article, as a result of research, aims to provide key elements, which take into account the links between the free trade and the permanent violation of the human rights and even with crimes against humanity; situations that do not constitute themselves in isolated, circumstantial facts, which are the product of the apparent simultaneousness between crime in abstract, developed in areas where strategic projects for the global economy are projected and developed, but in a matter related, caused, sustained by both national and international economic, political groups that make a profit with these mega-projects.

6.
Hist. ciênc. saúde-Manguinhos ; 20(4): 1695-1711, oct-dez/2013.
Article in Portuguese | LILACS | ID: lil-699086

ABSTRACT

Analisa a bibliografia sobre Nelson Rockefeller e a atuação no Brasil da American International Association for Economic and Social Development. Expõe interpretações otimistas sobre as ações de Rockefeller e da agência, bem como a corrente de pensamento que o caracterizou como um dos principais representantes do imperialismo norte-americano, seja como representante político na década de 1960, seja como idealizador de atividades de interesse privado. Procura demonstrar que as ações individuais ou da agência coadunavam com as elites locais, que influenciavam o remodelamento e a operacionalização dos projetos de cooperação técnica.


The article analyzes the bibliography on Nelson Rockefeller and the activities of the American International Association for Economic and Social Development in Brazil. It describes optimistic interpretations of Rockefeller's and the association's work, as well as the nationalist stream of thought, which characterized him as one of the chief representatives of U.S. imperialism, both as a political representative in the 1960s and as the mind behind endeavors of interest to the private sector. It is shown that at the individual and agency levels alike, these initiatives involved direct ties to the local elites, who influenced the reshaping and operationalization of technical cooperation projects.


Subject(s)
Humans , History, 20th Century , Technical Cooperation , Charities , Biobibliography , Government Programs , International Cooperation , United States , Brazil , Latin America
7.
Agora USB ; 13(1): 367-402, Ene.-Jun. 2013.
Article in Spanish | LILACS | ID: lil-704366

ABSTRACT

Este escrito de investigación, esboza los aspectos centrales que pueden ayudar a comprender la importancia geopolítica del territorio colombiano en la guerra mundial por los recursos, el punto de partida indispensable para entender las guerras de agresión contra los pueblos que hoy adelantan las potencias imperialistas, encabezadas por los Estados Unidos.


This research brief outlines the core aspects that can help understand the geopolitical importance of the Colombian territory in the world war for the natural resources, being the essential starting point to understand the wars of aggression against the peoples today, by the imperialist powers, led by the United States.


Subject(s)
Humans , Lobbying , Social Control Policies , Politics , Public Policy/trends
8.
Univ. odontol ; 29(63): 17-28, jul.-dec. 2010.
Article in Spanish | LILACS | ID: lil-587060

ABSTRACT

Este artículo estudia el periodo denominado por los historiadores como el gran siglo XIX o siglo XIX largo, que comprende todo el siglo XIX más las décadas que antecedieron y acompañaron a la Primera Guerra Mundial y que corresponde con la expansión y consolidación del imperialismo clásico. Desde la perspectiva de la salud pública, es importante por la transición de la higiene pública a la moderna salud pública, caracterizada ya hacia 1880 por el advenimiento de la teoría bacteriológica y su influencia en las medidas de sanidad estatal. El surgimiento de la salud pública y la medicina estatal en América Latina es una consecuencia lógica de la instauración de modos de producción capitalista en los países del continente, ya que las relaciones sociales y económicas de los individuos con el Estado fueron duramente afectadas y transformadas por los procesos de incipiente industrialización y consolidación del modelo de producción capitalista, lo cual implicó la consolidación de un cuerpo burocrático y un aumento de la intervención en la vida de los ciudadanos por la vía de las políticas sociales. En Colombia, la burguesía en el poder respondió a los problemas de salud pública (apoyada por la Fundación Rockefeller), como las distintas epidemias de viruela, cólera, malaria o fiebre amarilla, que recorrieron con mayor o menor severidad el país desde los litorales Atlántico o Pacífico hasta el interior con el riesgo de diezmar las poblaciones obreras y afectar el intercambio comercial del país con Estados Unidos.


This article analyzes the period that historians call the Big or Long XIX Century, which encompasses, besides the XIX century, the preceding decades and the decades of World War I. It corresponds to the expansion and consolidation of classic imperialism. From the public health perspective, the Big XIX century is important with the beginning of bacteriological theory in 1880 and the transition from hygiene to public health with governments controlling sanitary. The appearance of state medicine in the Latin American region is a logical consequence of the implementation of capitalist modes of production given that the social and economic relationships between the people and the state were harshly affected and transformed by the incipient industrialization and consolidation of the capitalist production model. The state apparatus consolidated a bureaucratic body and increased its intervention in citizens’ everyday lives via social policies. In the case of Colombia, the beginning of hygiene practices and, later on, of bacteriology occurred in particular ways. This can be observed along the XIX century, a period in which the bourgeoisie in power responded, supported by the Rockefeller Foundation, mostly to episodic events such as the smallpox, cholera, malaria or yellow fever epidemics, which run through the country with different degrees of severity from both the Atlantic and Pacific coasts towards the interior of the country, threatening to reduce the population of workers and to affect the commercial exchange of the country with the United States.


Subject(s)
Public Health/history , Social Security , Public Policy
9.
Rev. Fac. Nac. Salud Pública ; 26(2): 215-222, jul.-dic. 2008.
Article in Spanish | LILACS | ID: lil-557570

ABSTRACT

Este artículo estudia el denominado gran siglo XIX o largo siglo XIX, que comprende todo este siglo más las décadas que antecedieron y acompañaron a la primera guerra mundial y que se corresponde con la consolidación del imperialismo. Desde la perspectiva de la salud pública, es importante por haberse producido la transición de la higiene a la salud pública y que ya en 1880 caracteriza el advenimiento de la teoría bacteriológica y su influencia en las medidas de sanidad estatal imperantes. La medicina antes de 1900 se caracterizaba por 1)predominio de lo militar y de lo imperial; 2)principios de prevención importados y concentrados en prácticas sanitarias; 3)la medicina colonial no estaba separada de la medicina imperial; 4)interés en las colonias como fuerzas productivas o de inestabilidad política; 5)el interés pasó de las medidas de sanidad general a la búsqueda de agentes específicos para las enfermedades y a medidas para su control; y 6)la medicina tropical se vuelve un especialidad de posgrado. El fenómeno del imperialismo norteamericano comparte las principales característica con el imperialismo europeo, pero se diferencia en las medidas sanitarias, pues los americanos temían la introducción de enfermedades prevalentes en los trópicos, ya fuera por México, el Atlántico o el Pacífico, para lo cual diseñaron e implementaron rigurosas medidas de inspección y control en los países donde tenían intereses comerciales y en los puertos de embarque de pasajeros y mercancías hacía su territorio. El surgimiento de la medicina estatal en nuestra subregión es una consecuencia de la instauración de modos de producció. Ello implicó la consolidación de un cuerpo burocrático y un aumento de la intervención en la vida de los ciudadanos por la vía de las políticas sociales. En Colombia, la introducción de las prácticas de higiene y luego de la bacteriología tienen un discurrir particular, lo cual se pone de relieve a lo largo del siglo XIX, cuando las epidemias de viruela, cólera o fiebre amarilla que recorrieron con mayor o menor severidad el país, desde los litorales Atlántico y Pacífico hasta el interior, con el riesgo de diezmar las poblaciones obreras y afectar el incipiente intercambio comercial del país.


This articles studies the period called by historians as the Big or Long XIX century. Besides the XIX century by itself, it encompasses the decades that preceded it and the decades of the First World War. All of them belong to the consolidation of imperialism. From the perspective of public health, The Big XIX century is important because of the transition from hygiene to public health, and the beginning of the transition from hygiene to public health, and the benign of the bacteriologic theory in 1880, influencing sanitary control measures of the State. Before 1900, medicine was characterized by: 1) predominance of military and of imperial approaches, 2) prevention principles were imported and concentrated in sanitary practices; 3) colonial medicine was not separated from imperial medicine; 4) interest focused on colonies as productive forces or as sources of political instability; 5) the main concern went from general sanitary measurements to the search for specific disease agents and their control measurements; and 6) tropical medicine becomes a postgraduate specialty. North- American imperialism shares the main characteristics of European imperialism shares the main characteristics of sanitary measurements because Americans feared the introduction of prevalent diseases from the tropics to their territory either through Mexico or through the ports in the Atlantic or the Pacific oceans. In order to avoid this, Americans designed and implemented rigorous inspection and control meausurements in the countries where they had commercial interests and in the ports where passengers and merchandise were headed to the United States. The appearance of state medicine in Latin American is a logical consequence of the implementation of the capitalistic mode of production, provided social and economic relationships between the people and the State were hardly affected and transformed by the incipient industrialization the consolidation of such a production model. This implied the consolidation of a bureaucratic mass and an increased intervention in everyday lives of the citizens via the social policies. In Colombia, the beginning of hygiene practices and later on, of bacteriology developed in very distinctive ways. This can be observed along the XIX century, a period in which the bourgeoisie responded mainly to episodic events such as smallpox, cholera or yellow fever epidemics, which affected Atlantic and Pacific coasts towards the inner part of the country, threatening to reduce the population of workers and effecting the incipient commercial exchange of the country.


Subject(s)
Capitalism , Colonialism , Disease Outbreaks , Public Health , State Medicine
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