ABSTRACT
South Korea and Cuba are dissimilar in religion, economy, culture and attitudes toward premarital sexual relations. In 1960, Korea instituted a national family planning programme to combat rapid population growth. Cuba explicitly rejected Malthusian policies, but made family planning universally available in 1974 in response to health needs. Both countries have undergone rapid fertility declines and today have less than replacement level fertility. Both countries have also used a similar mixture of methods, including a high prevalence of female sterilisation. Abortion has played a major role in the fertility decline of both countries, rising in the first half of the fertility transition and then falling, although remaining a significant variable in the second half. It is concluded that access to contraception, voluntary sterilisation, and safe abortion has a direct impact on fertility and has been associated with a rapid fall in family size in two very different countries.
PIP: It is argued that access to contraception, voluntary sterilization, and safe abortion had a direct impact on fertility decline in two countries (Cuba and Korea) that differed in religion, economic conditions, culture, and attitudes. Both countries achieved below replacement fertility through high rates of contraceptive prevalence and ready access to legal abortion. Family planning services were provided in both countries through the public sector and in Korea through a subsidized private sector. Fertility decline in both countries occurred at the same time as the initiation of family planning programs. Family planning was introduced in Korea in order to reduce population growth and in Cuba in order to reduce the incidence of induced abortion and not for demographic reasons. Both Korea and Cuba had successful family planning programs over the past ten years that combined awareness, accessibility, and perceived quality. Korea adopted legal abortion as a means of reducing high maternal mortality rates and fertility. Cuba adopted legal abortion, during a period when the government lacked hard currency and consumer items such as birth control pills. Even antibiotics were difficult to obtain, particularly for teenagers. Both countries worked to improve services for teenagers. The experiences with family planning in both countries provide support for the theory that socioeconomic forces are not needed to push fertility lower. It is suggested that access to reversible and permanent contraception and safe abortion increases the speed of the transition and permits lower fertility than would otherwise be achieved without formal family planning programs. Fertility decline occurred in Korea under rising incomes and Cuba experienced declines during a period of economic declines. Both countries need to expand options for reducing exposure to pre-union adolescent pregnancies.
Subject(s)
Birth Rate/trends , Cross-Cultural Comparison , Family Planning Services/trends , Population Growth , Cuba/epidemiology , Family Characteristics , Female , Health Knowledge, Attitudes, Practice , Humans , Infant, Newborn , Korea/epidemiology , Male , Pregnancy , Sexual Behavior , Social ValuesABSTRACT
PIP: The author comments on an article by Thomas M. Whitmore, entitled "Sixteenth-century population decline in the Basin of Mexico: a systems simulation", which appeared in the Fall 1991 issue of the Latin American Population History Bulletin.^ieng
Subject(s)
Demography , Ethnicity , Evaluation Studies as Topic , Indians, North American , Indians, South American , Models, Theoretical , Population Dynamics , Americas , Central America , Culture , Developing Countries , Latin America , Mexico , North America , Population , Population Characteristics , Research , Social SciencesABSTRACT
PIP: The state of Puebla, Mexico, covers some 33,000 sq km and has a climate ranging from warm in the southern districts to temperate in the center and cold in the north. The Sierra Madre Oriental rises in the east and north, and lands there are steep and mountainous. To the wet is the Sierra Nevada and to the south the Mixteca Baja. Between these mountain systems is a plateau intersected by chains of low hills which break its uniformity and crest plains and valleys. Since prehispanic times these valleys and plains have been the main population centers. After the Conquest, the Spanish superimposed their new centers of power on the old population center. This work describes the main characteristics of population distribution and changes in population from the colonial period to the 19th century. During the 3 centuries of Spanish domination, there were great changes in spatial distribution. The shock of Conquest, with epidemics, confrontations and physical and psychic exhaustion, led to steep population declines in all of Mexico. The number of tribute payers in Puebla declined from 127,030 in 1570 to 27,195 in 1626. By 1800 it had increased to only 87,516, 31% less than in 1570. The population decline was even more severe if estimates from the moment of the Conquest were incorporated. From the colonial period through 1910 population growth tended to be faster in the areas farthest from the city of Puebla. Around 1910, despite the constant periods of political instability and the armed conflict, the state population reached 1,101,600, which represented between 2 and 3 times the population of 1800 and an annual growth rate of .5-1%. Toward the end of the colonial era there were 561 villages, towns, and cities in the Intendencia of Puebla, at distances ranging from 4 to over 300 km from the city of Puebla. 310 of the localities were within 96 km of the city and 231 were between 96 and 126 km. 20 of the places were considered minor regional centers and 3/4 of the remainder were within 30 km of them. The majority of the haciendas and ranchos in Puebla dated back to land grants conceded by the Spanish monarchs in the early days of the colony, later consolidated in the 17th and 18th centuries. In 1972, 475 haciendas and 533 ranchos were registered in the Intendencia of Puebla, the majority within short distances of the 20 regional centers. The composition and pattern of settlements changed throughout the 19th century. In 1972 the total number of localities was 1618,m of which 35% were villages, 33% ranchos, and 30% haciendas. By 1897, the number of registered localities was 3176. 503 new localities were the dispersed small settlements known as rancherias, rudimentary mills for processing sugar cane and distilling aguardiente, increased from 9 to 363.^ieng
Subject(s)
Demography , Geography , Health Services Accessibility , Population Dynamics , Americas , Developing Countries , Latin America , Mexico , North America , Population , Social SciencesABSTRACT
PIP: One of the criticisms made of family planning programs, especially when they are as successful as that of PROFAMILA, is the lowering of fertility rates to the alarming degree as that experienced by many European countries. This demographic phenomenon, characteristic of developed countries has acquired a negative effect because of the rapidly aging population without a replacement young population. This "European" problem can be analyzed from 2 perspectives: 1) the low rates of the region's total population; and 2) the European population can be connected to that of the world population. Based on data from Dr. Day's article in Family Planning Perspectives (May/June 1988) the amount of time required to replace Europe's population of 1940 is substantial. For example, it would take 45 years for Austria and 135 for France to replace their populations. Instead, the issue of concern could be Europe's loss of power in the world in lieu of the rapidly growing populations of the Third World. The author discounts such a notion by referring to historical events and by projecting that by the year 2025 Europe will represent 18% of the world population. Ultimately it is the quality of the people that is important, not the quantity. According to Day it is more important to know the amount of time left than knowing how long one has been alive. Life expectancy is based on the health standards of a country, and the genetic quality of the population in question. The issue of longevity includes people whose life expectancy at the time of the census was 10 years or less; the majority of those over 65 in Europe, represent 10-15% of this category. 1 out of 7 Europeans over 65 are in excellent physical condition, while those over 65 in the Third World represent a small minority. The article discusses several alternatives in raising fertility rates in Europe but concludes that the most rational approach is keeping 15% of the population over 65 gainfully employed.^ieng
Subject(s)
Age Distribution , Age Factors , Birth Rate , Forecasting , Life Expectancy , Philosophy , Population Density , Population Dynamics , Americas , Colombia , Demography , Developed Countries , Developing Countries , Europe , Fertility , Latin America , Longevity , Mortality , Population , Population Characteristics , Research , South America , Statistics as TopicABSTRACT
"In this study the author analyses the cultural [concept] Keim, which can be translated as 'germinative principle'. The [concept] classifies people, through families, defining them as marriageable or non-marriageable, according to [their] being carriers of a good or a bad Keim. In the conceptions of the study group--peasants of German origin in Rio Grande do Sul [Brazil]--Keim corresponds to the 'sap' of the genealogical tree through which the families are organized in stem households. The category is fundamental for the understanding of marriage exchanges, that is, the possibilities of alliances as well as the endogamy of the group. By the opposing principles, strong and weak Keim, the peasants explain their present decadence as well as the general decline in the number of children." (SUMMARY IN ENG)
Subject(s)
Classification , Culture , Ethnicity , Family Characteristics , Family Relations , Family , Genealogy and Heraldry , Marital Status , Marriage , Population Dynamics , Americas , Brazil , Demography , Developed Countries , Developing Countries , Latin America , Population , Population Characteristics , Research , South AmericaSubject(s)
Agriculture , Geography , Population Density , Population Dynamics , Social Welfare , Socioeconomic Factors , Americas , Brazil , Demography , Developed Countries , Developing Countries , Economics , Latin America , Population , Social Planning , South AmericaABSTRACT
"The purpose of this study is to examine the demographic evolution of the Brazilian homogeneous microregions in the period 1970/80. It is based on the relative variations observed [in] the population as a whole.... Microregional unities were classified according to the intensity of their populational increase and loss. The different classes were spatially identified in order to establish the relation between demographic growth and the characteristics of the areas." (summary in ENG)
Subject(s)
Geography , Population Density , Population Dynamics , Population Growth , Americas , Brazil , Demography , Developed Countries , Developing Countries , Latin America , Population , South AmericaABSTRACT
"The commitment to population programs is now widespread," says Rafael Salas, Executive Director of the UNFPA, in its report "State of World Population." About 80% of the total population of the developing world live in countries which consider their fertility levels too high and would like them reduced. An important impetus came from the World Conference of 1974. The Plan of Action from the conference projected population growth rates in developing countries of 2.0% by 1985. Today it looks as though this projection will be realized. While in 1969, for example, only 26 developing countries had programs aimed at lowering or maintaining fertility levels, by 1980 there were 59. The International Population Conference, recently announced by the UN for 1984, will, it is hoped, help sustain that momentum. Cuba is the country which has shown the greatest decline in birth rate so far. The birth rate fell 47% between 1965-1970 and 1975-1980. Next came China with a 34% decline in the same period. After these came a group of countries--each with populations of over 10 million--with declines of between 15 and 25%: Chile, Colombia, India, Indonesia, the Republic of Korea, Malaysia and Thailand. Though birth rates have been dropping significantly the decline in mortality rates over recent years has been less than was hoped for. The 1974 conference set 74 years as the target for the world's average expectation of life, to be reached by the year 2000. But the UN now predicts that the developing countries will have only reached 63 or 64 years by then. High infant and child mortality rates, particularly in Africa, are among the major causes. The report identifies the status of women as an important determinant of family size. Evidence from the UNFPA-sponsored World Fertility Survey shows that in general the fertility of women decreases as their income increases. It also indicates that women who have been educated and who work outside the home are likely to have smaller families. Access to contraceptives is, of course, a major influence on fertility decline. According to UNFPA some of the Latin American countries have the highest contraceptive use among developing countries. The countries of Asia come next and contraceptives are least used in sub-Saharan Africa where birth rates of 45/1000 are still common. The money for population programs, says the report, has come largely from developing countries themselves. A survey of 15 countries showed them to have contributed 67% out of their own budgets--the rest having come from external aid. And in programs aided by UNFPA the local input has been even higher. During 1979-1981 the developing countries themselves budgeted $4.6 for each dollar budgeted by UNFPA. The report also highlights some of the emerging problems for the next 2 decades--and which will be high on the agenda of the 1984 conference. These include "uncontrolled urban growth" in developing countries as well as an important change in overall population age structure as more and more old people survive. Aging populations are of particular concern to the developed countries but, as the report points out, even countries like China--which has achieved a steep drop in fertility and mortality--will face the problems of an aging population by the year 2000.
Subject(s)
Birth Rate , Evaluation Studies as Topic , Population Control , Population Dynamics , Chile , Colombia , Cuba , Demography , Family Characteristics , Fertility , India , Indonesia , Korea , Malaysia , Population , Public Policy , ThailandABSTRACT
PIP: The rapid decrease in fertility levels in Cuba over the past decade constitutes an interesting problem for researchers. Only a few highly industrialized countries, the U.S., Hungary, New Zealand, Oceania and Japan, have observed a situation somewhat similar to that in Cuba. This article analyzes the change in fertility expressed in the reversal of various indicators: the estimated birth rate, the general fertility rate by age, summary of the reduction in the total birth rate. It is possible to observe a reduction in all levels which demonstrates a change in reproductive behavior among Cuban couples. In addition, the distribution of age groups has been modified, increasing the elderly population. This pattern has been repeated more or less on an international scale.^ieng
Subject(s)
Birth Rate , Fertility , Maternal Age , Population Dynamics , Population Growth , Population , Sexual Behavior , Age Distribution , Americas , Caribbean Region , Cuba , Demography , Developed Countries , Developing Countries , Hungary , Japan , Latin America , New Zealand , North America , Pacific Islands , Research , Statistics as Topic , United StatesABSTRACT
PIP: It has been empirically verified that the reduction of growth rates in the countries has been prevailingly due to the decline in the gross birth rate. This remarkable birth decrease can be explained by the parallel reduction in the age-specific fertility rate. The most frequently used source in the analysis of chronological variation of age-specific fertility rates is vital statistics, which currently suffer from birth underregistration, a fact that will make it impossible to adequately detect level changes through time. Thus there is the necessity of depending upon indirect methods to determine the coverage of these registers in order to obtain sufficiently reliable age-specific fertility estimates which will permit the detection of these level changes. The present work indicates a procedure for evaluating and adjusting birth statistics using fertility data from Demographic Surveys and Population Censuses, in order to make trends analysis possible. (Author's modified)^ieng
Subject(s)
Birth Rate , Data Collection , Evaluation Studies as Topic , Maternal Age , Models, Theoretical , Population Dynamics , Population Growth , Reproducibility of Results , Statistics as Topic , Asia , Asia, Southeastern , Demography , Developing Countries , Fertility , Population , Research , Research Design , Thailand , Vital StatisticsABSTRACT
PIP: There has undoubtedly been a worldwide reduction in fertility during the past 30 years. Such reduction has been significant for a few countries, and very small for many others. Population decrease is associated with family planning programs especially in developing countries. Still, population growth, at 2.5% a year, will cause world population to double in the space of 1 generation. Family planning programs must be better organized and managed, and the social structure of less developed countries should be improved, with the goal of providing better information and services about fertility control.^ieng
Subject(s)
Reproduction , Family Planning Services , Female , Humans , MaleABSTRACT
PIP: Principal source for investigation on fertility are birth registrations, a source which is very often deficient by omission in Latin America. This situation has prompted the development of more specific methods which use other, and more reliable, information. One of these is the own-children method, which allows estimations based on population censuses. This article presents an investigation on the process of fertility decline in Costa Rica between 1960 and 1970, using the own-children method applied to data from the 1973 census. Costa Rica was selected to evaluate this method since the country's birth registers are relatively reliable. Total fertility rate was higher than that estimated through birth registration; in certain rural regions it was 10-15% higher, possibly because, in those particular regions, omission of birth registration was higher than the national level. Towards the end of the 1950s, half of the women in fertile age were using contraception; the decline in fertility began in the middle and high social classes, and in urban areas. Later, at the end of the 1960s, the decline in fertility reached urban proletarian groups, and the illiterate rural population. It seems obvious that these fertility changes are due to the insertion of families into the system of production, meaning that modernization and education have created a climate favorable to smaller families. These findings are consistent with available information on changes of attitude toward family planning, heavily promoted by the National Family Planning Program begun in 1968. In 1970 the steepest decline in fertility was noted in those groups which, despite the decline, still had the highest fertility rate; by 1977 a tendency toward stabilization was registered.^ieng
Subject(s)
Birth Rate , Contraception Behavior , Education , Emigration and Immigration , Maternal Age , Population Dynamics , Rural Population , Social Class , Urban Population , Americas , Central America , Contraception , Costa Rica , Demography , Developing Countries , Economics , Family Planning Services , Fertility , Latin America , North America , Population , Population Characteristics , Socioeconomic FactorsABSTRACT
PIP: The author studied demographic data from the U.S., France, Chile, England, and Wales, considering birth rate, mortality, sex ratio and male proportions in quinquennial periods from 1960 to 1977. Moreover, the author has assumed that the difference in sex ratio between live births and fetal deaths is due to X-linked mutations, and has estimated the number of males eliminated by differential mortality. Results showed that, in correlation with birth rate decrease, there is a trend of relaxation of intrauterine natural selection against males, which trend accounts for the change of sex ratio at different ages in the perinatal period. This sequence of events is fully adapted to the sex linked genetic theory. The author concludes that when birth rate declines there is a fall in the sex ratio of stillbirths, an increase of sex ratio in live births and infant mortality, and consequently a relaxation of natural selection against males.^ieng
Subject(s)
Demography , Selection, Genetic , Vital Statistics , Birth Rate , Chile , Congenital Abnormalities/mortality , England , Family Planning Services , Female , France , Humans , Infant Mortality , Male , Sex Ratio , United StatesABSTRACT
This Bulletin examines the evidence that the world's fertility has declined in recent years, the factors that appear to have accounted for the decline, and the implications for fertility and population growth rates to the end of the century. On the basis of a compilation of estimates available for all nations of the world, the authors derive estimates which indicate that the world's total fertility rate dropped from 4.6 to 4.1 births per woman between 1968 and 1975, thanks largely to an earlier and more rapid and universal decline in the fertility of less developed countries (LDCs) than had been anticipated. Statistical analysis of available data suggests that the socioeconomic progress made by LDCs in this period was not great enough to account for more than a proportion of the fertility decline and that organized family planning programs were a major contributing factor. The authors' projections, which are compared to similar projections from the World Bank, the United Nations, and the U.S. Bureau of the Census, indicate that, by the year 2000, less than 1/5 of the world's population will be in the "red danger" circle of explosive population growth (2.1% or more annually); most LDCs will be in a phase of fertility decline; and many of them -- along with most now developed countries -- will be at or near replacement level of fertility. The authors warn that "our optimistic prediction is premised upon a big IF -- if (organized) family planning (in LDCs) continues. It remains imperative that all of the developed nations of the world continue their contribution to this program undiminished."
Subject(s)
Birth Rate , Developing Countries , Evaluation Studies as Topic , Health Planning , Population Growth , Program Evaluation , Socioeconomic Factors , Statistics as Topic , Africa , Age Factors , Asia , Asia, Southeastern , Asia, Western , Caribbean Region , Central America , Demography , Economics , Europe , Europe, Eastern , Family Planning Services , Fertility , Latin America , North America , Pacific Islands , Patient Acceptance of Health Care , Population , Population Control , Population Dynamics , Regression Analysis , Reproductive History , Research , South America , USSRABSTRACT
PIP: In response to criticism from Ruth B. Dixon, published on Estudios de Poblacion 3 (7-12), 1978, about their study on the effects of family planning programs on fertility decrease in developing areas, and on its implications on population policies, the authors restate their views, as previously published in an article which appeared in Studies in Family Planning, May 1978. Such views are that: 1) family planning programs efforts are probably not as paramount as the improvement of socioeconomic conditions in causing fertility decrease; 2) it cannot be stated which type of program is the most conducive to fertility decrease; 3) good health and education are the 2 most important factors in improving socioeconomic status; and, 4) the status of women is greatly important in reducing fertility rate.^ieng
Subject(s)
Health Planning , Population Dynamics , Social Class , Women's Rights , Demography , Economics , Family Planning Services , Population , Population Characteristics , Socioeconomic FactorsABSTRACT
PIP: In this article the author criticizes the methodology and the findings of an article by Mauldin and Berelson which appeared in 1978 in Studies in Family Planning about population decrease in developing countries and about its implications on population policies. According to the author that article did not take into consideration: 1) the fact that socioeconomic conditions in a given country are more important than family planning programs for a decrease in fertility rate; 2) the fact that it is not known which kinds of family planning programs are more effective, and which kind of social level is more conducive to fertility decrease; and, 3) the status and educational level of women in the countries studied. In conclusion, the author states that the findings of Mauldin and Berelson, although interesting, imply arbitrary procedures and statistics, and cannot be used for the purpose of population policy.^ieng
Subject(s)
Birth Rate , Developing Countries , Education , Health Planning , Social Class , Women's Rights , Demography , Economics , Family Planning Services , Fertility , Population , Population Characteristics , Population Dynamics , Public Policy , Socioeconomic Factors , WomenABSTRACT
PIP: Like many other countries, Chile began programs for family planning in 1962, with the organization of the Chilean Association for Family Protection (APROFA). The need for family planning in order to reduce large families and avoid unwanted pregnancies was felt by the community. Later on, a number of institutions, both state and private, joined in these efforts, with special participation of the National Health Service which is currently directing the programs and facilitates the outpatient clinics. APROFA is affiliated with FIPF and thereby obtains financial, scientific, and technical aid. The birth rate has decreased in Chile from 36/1000 in 1964 to 26.6/1000 in 1974. In the same period, the population growth has decreased to 1.6% and maternal mortality has diminished 40%. Mortality from abortions has decreased 65% and hospitalizations derived from this source by 15%. It must be emphasized that not all of these changes can be attributed to action of family planning. Since there has been a concomitant improvement in living standards as well as other factors difficult to evaluate. (author's modified)^ieng
Subject(s)
Family Planning Services/history , Chile , Female , History, 20th Century , Humans , Male , PregnancyABSTRACT
PIP: In 1967 Chile began a policy of family planning education, and of information about contraception, making available to women all over the country a series of family planning and contraceptive services. This policy has given the following results: 1) birth rate, which was 33-38/1000 between 1964-1967, was 23.4/1000 in 1976; 2) 56,391 women were hospitalized for abortion in 1964, compared to 42,155 in 1975; 3) maternal mortality, which was 10%, has decreased to 4.45%, and, 4) infant mortality has gone from 2.79-3.3/1000 in 1956-57, to 1.16-2.11/1000 in the 1970s.^ieng
Subject(s)
Abortion, Induced , Infant Mortality , Maternal Mortality , Population Dynamics , Public Policy , Sex Education , Americas , Chile , Demography , Developing Countries , Education , Family Planning Services , Latin America , Mortality , Population , South AmericaABSTRACT
PIP: Since 1960, the birthrate in Europe has diminished substantially so that in certain nations of Occidental Europe it is below the rate necessary to replace present levels. In a recent seminar, the Council of Europe discussed the negative aspects of reaching zero population growth (ZPG). The tendency then would be toward a large, older population supported by a smaller, younger population. The work force would also tend to be older with less ability to adapt to change and hence be a less mobile, less innovative group which would renew itself much more slowly. When ZPG is reached, the remaining population is affected by fluctuations in the birthrate which eventually affects supply and demand relationships in terms of educational facilities and job opportunities. Some countries in Europe, such as Hungary and Czechoslovakia, have recently encouraged pronatalist policies. Chile is obviously not in a position to worry about ZPG, but the diversity of worldwide demographic situations is shown.^ieng
Subject(s)
Population Dynamics , Population Growth , Demography , Developed Countries , Europe , Population , Population DensityABSTRACT
PIP: Demographic trends in Northeast Brazil over the last 100 years are presented and analyzed. The most important finding is a constant decline in the population of the Northeast relative to the rest of the country (46.70% of the population of Brazil lived in the Northeast in 1872, 30.34% in 1970; the population growth rates in 1872 and 1960 were 1.41 and 2.49% for the Northeast and 2.50 and 3.09% for the rest of the country). This trend appears to be continuing and, in the absence of concious policy decisions to the contrary, there will be further depopulation of the Northeast before a situation of equilibrium is reached, with a uniform growth rate for the entire country. The inaccuracies found in the older census data and the lack of some demographic statistics in the present records are discussed and measures are suggested to improve data collection, in order to provide a sound basis for demographic policy. Population changes resulting from migration and differential natural growth, and the direct and indirect contributions of migration from the Northeast to the rest of the country, are analyzed. The trend toward urbanization is also discussed: a smaller percentage of the population lives in cities of 20,000 or more in the Northeast than in the rest of the country, but recently that percentage has been growing at a faster rate.^ieng